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Content available remote Racist Discourse In The Interwar Literary Criticism
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EN
In the Polish literary criticism, racist discourse is strictly related to nationalist discourse and principally comes to play in the mainstream of interwar nationalist literary criticism.1 This symptomatic configuration of race, nation and literature in the aesthetics of the West is conditioned – according to Anthony Appiah – by ‘the dual connection made in eighteenth and nineteenth -century thought between, on the one hand, race and nationality, and, on the other, nationality and literature. In short, the nation is the key middle term in the relations between the concept of race and the idea of literature”.
EN
The presented case study deals with registered unemployment and welfare work for unemployed people in chosen district of Czechoslovak Republic. The aim is to compare situation in whole country with situation in the Žilina District in 1935 based on selected macroeconomic indicator: unemployment. In the same time, the study analyses the forms of economic assistance for the unemployed. This research is primary based on the study of contemporary statistical reports in combination with archive materials that are placed in the National Archive in Prague and in the Slovak National Archive in Bratislava. The Czechoslovak government tried to mitigate socio-economic impact of unemployment through various measures. Unfortunately, these measures were only partially successful in the Žilina District.
EN
The subject of the analysis is the process of the exchange of municipal political elite in 1938 – 1944 on the example of Prešov. The municipal political elite are understood by the authors as the part of society that has power, and which determines the direction of further development of society. In the years 1938 – 1944 in Slovakia, there were several interventions in the municipal government in connection with important socio-political events (Post-Munich crisis, declaration of the Slovak state, etc.). These interventions were of a different nature and were regularly linked to staff exchanges. One of the consequences of exchanges in municipal political elites was the penetration of the elements of authoritarianism at the local level. These processes are analysed by the authors on the example of Prešov. In this city, the followers of the incoming Hlinka Slovak People's Party had to fight for the seizure of power, which required the use of all available means. However, they did not avoid intra-party competition. Similar in-depth analyses based on detailed primary research can be seen as a prerequisite for understanding and knowledge of the process of exchange of municipal political elites, including decisive socio-political determinants, as well as the nature of the authoritarian regime established in Slovakia during the Post-Munich crisis in the autumn of 1938.
EN
Children require special attention in the field of medico-social. After the World War I infant mortality reached a high value and solution to this problem had gained more and more to its timeliness. In the postwar period the International Red Cross in cooperation with the Czechoslovak government has provided important support for children. American Red Cross began the preventive examinations of children and health education work. Gradually based counselling, which provided care for mothers and children, records of children sick with tuberculosis and other infectious diseases. These consultations formed the basis of socio-medical care for children.
EN
This article seeks to explore the ways of interpreting the historical role of Germans and Hungarians in history textbooks used in primary and secondary schools in Slovakia in the interwar period, from 1918 until 1939. Historical narratives presented in school history textbooks contribute, alongside the family, media and public life, and rituals, to forming the way young people perceive the world around them. They are also one of the main tools for the social production of stereotypes of the Other. Fearing the Other is widespread in present-day Slovakia, and although the reason for this situation has been ascribed to the recent economic and current refugee crises, this paper argues that negative responses to the Other are also partially a by-product of the ethnocentric and etatist character of history education. The presented research is based on the study of stereotypes – generally shared impressions, images, or thoughts existing within certain groups of people about the character of a particular group of people and their representations. The article seeks to prove that the motivations behind state-produced prejudices against the members of other nations are driven by the need to present one’s own group (the nation) superior to the Other, which has been a reaction to the competition between the two groups, economic frustration or social crises. The article employs the techniques of critical discourse analysis.
EN
The paper analyses the social status of the Jewish members of the interwar municipal political elite during the Holocaust in the example of the town of Prešov. They lost their democratically elected mandate due to the dissolution of Jewish parties and opposition parties in Slovakia after Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party came to power in October 1938. The main attention is focused on the (declining) vertical social mobility of members of the former elite in order to find out whether their previous political engagement and possible social ties associated with it influenced their social status at the time of the systematic implementation of anti-Jewish policy or helped them to survive during the Holocaust. The paper intends to capture a common model of behaviour, as well as individual actions and apply the acquired knowledge to the whole group of Jewish municipal political elites in the period under review.
Mesto a dejiny
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2017
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tom 6
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nr 2
22 – 47
EN
The establishment of Czechoslovakia in 1918 was refused by a large proportion of its inhabitants, mainly from the part of Czechoslovak Germans and Hungarians. Beside them, a certain number of Slovaks rebelled against the state project of Czech and Slovak political elites as well. Some of them preferred to remain in the frame of the historical Hungary because they shared with Hungarians for century transmitted cultural patterns and cultural repertoire, the use of which came by implementing the idea of Czechoslovakism to the threat. Rebelling attitudes against Czechoslovak statehood were registered especially in the ethnically heterogeneous regions and cities which were located in the contact zone between the territories with the majority Slovak population on the one side and the minority Hungarian one on the other. Analysing the archival documents, the author of the paper focuses firstly on reactions of indigenous inhabitants of Slovak origin of the city of Košice to the establishment of Czechoslovakia, secondly, on pursuits of the political elites to implement the Czechoslovak state idea in the public space of the city, its successes, failures and tensions between the Czechoslovak and Slovak (autonomous) camps of nationalists. Thirdly, the analysis of the electoral behaviour stands in the spotlight, according to which the majority of local indigenous Slovaks voted the oppositionist parties what indicates that, in the long term, the idea of the Czechoslovak state was refused by these inhabitants. The purpose of the study lies in recognizing differentiated attitudes of the Slovak interwar (mainly urban) society to the Czechoslovak statehood and, hence, in outlining an alternative story to the traditional, in the cultural memory reproduced narrative about the establishment of Czechoslovakia as a “national liberation”.
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