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Studia Psychologica
tom 63
nr 2
204 – 220
Previous research has indicated that laypeople, students and legal professionals often hold flawed beliefs about memory, and the present study sought to extend this area of research to the teaching profession. Are teachers’ beliefs about learning in line with the scientific consensus? A set of vignettes with contrasting options for classroom practice were presented to trainee (n = 77) and in-service (n = 44) teachers, and in each case a 7-point Likert scale prompted them to predict which would be the best course of action in terms of student outcomes. As hypothesized, responses were often out of line with research on ‘desirable difficulties’ in memory and learning such as retrieval practice, spacing, and interleaving, with choices indicating a lack of awareness of these evidence-based approaches, although they were more accurate than previous studies of students. Surprisingly, accuracy of response did not correlate with the duration of a teacher’s classroom experience; trainee teachers outscored in-service teachers in certain areas, suggesting that recent familiarity with technical literature on learning could be advantageous.
In the article the author analyses and offers a critique of the relativistic idea of commitment, claiming that the objective rightness of consciously a chosen lifestyle and activities in the name of certain aims or values cannot be warranted by an appeal to universally important arguments. Proving the rightness of their own position, relativists usually invoke the thesis about the dualism of thinking and activity and the impossibility of deriving convictions concerning values from ascertainments of facts. This opinion is maintainable only if it can be shown that commitment possesses its own structure, simple and closed in itself, connected only with the act of faith, whose full expression results from the mere act of choosing a particular lifestyle. In the article the author quotes arguments as proof of the opposite argument. Relativism not only leads to linguistic solipsism and the impossibility of recognizing ethically blameworthy beliefs, but also to the defective qualification of commitment. For apart from the element of pure faith, commitment also contains cognitive and rational moments that make it possible to assess whether or not the convictions that constitute it are legitimate or true.
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The author claims that there are two kinds of predicates that are used to describe cognitive states of mind like beliefs or perception. Using some of them, one can describe the cognitive states of mind directly, whereas using some others, one can describe these states in comparison with one’s own. For example, one can say that a person has a belief or one can say that that person’s belief is according to his own beliefs. In the latter situation, he uses the predicate “to know”. The conditions that Peter uses correctly the sentence “John knows that p” are as follows: (1) Peter believes that John believes that p; (2) Peter believes that p; (3) Peter believes that the reasons for which John believes that p have a good justification. In a similar way one can ascribe to somebody a visual impression of an object x or to compare that person’s impressions with his own cognitive states. In the latter situation one uses the predicate “to see” (to perceive). The conditions that Peter uses correctly the sentence “John can see x” are the following: (I) Peter believes that John has visual impression of object x; (II) Peter believes that object x exists; (III) Peter believes that this that John has visual impression of object x is according to the laws of vision. When one uses predicates that describe cognitive states of mind of a person (possession of beliefs or sensory impressions), one speaks subjectively, whereas when one speaks objectively, he uses predicates that allow him to compare cognitive states of mind of a person with his own.
The IDEX (Identity Exploration) instrument was used in the study to verify that the statements 'satisfied with life', 'lives a good life' and 'useful for others' are for university students of humanities (N = 154, mean age 21.93, SD 1.45 years, age range 19-27 years; 26 men, 125 women, 3 unidentified) important key criteria for their experiencing of themselves and their social world. It was further found that the students satisfied with their life (N = 45) believe in their ability to uphold the important matters, live up to their own expectations, live a good life, be useful for others and care for their family and the close friends more than do students less satisfied with their life (N = 26). Students satisfied with their life perceived and assessed themselves, the person they admire, people close to them, and their communities significantly more positively than the less satisfied. Their relation to 'my community' and 'university students' was also more positive. No differences were found between satisfied and less satisfied students in their perception and evaluation of communities with the different values and the large groups of people. According to the results, life satisfaction in the university students is linked to active approach to life, positive evaluation of oneself, positive relations to people close to one, especially one's best friend, and acceptance of one's social position; a lesser satisfaction with life means the absence of such strong beliefs and less positive relations to oneself and others.
Death occupies a significant place in the Basque worldview. Traditionally it is associated with numerous beliefs and elaborate rituals, while the most important role in funeral ceremonies was performed by woman, who, according to some authors, was an intermediary between the worlds and a priestess of sorts. However, nowadays a perceptible change is taking place in the manner of approaching death, accompanied by the development of new funeral rituals. Another important issue is the exploitation of death in national ideology, as a national symbol and an element which consolidates the group in its aspirations (as manifested in the funerals of radical Basque nationalists).  
The Evolutionary Argument (EA) plays the central role in the realism-antirealism dispute. Proponents of this argument maintain that evolutionary theory provides a convincing evidence for the reliability of our cognitive capacities. The evolutionary function of these capacities is to inform us about the character of our environment; and, as evidenced by the survival of our species, we can surmise that our cognitive capacities tend to provide a true, rather than false, picture of the world (cf., e.g., Quine, Kornblith, Munz). However, opponents of this view argue that evolutionary processes are not exclusively adaptive or optimal; indeed, some processes may not be adaptive at all (cf., e.g., Putnam, van Fraassen, Stich, and Bradie). Some of these critics, e.g., Thomson, believe that evolutionary theory demonstrates that our knowledge is not true, and that our cognitive capacities are not only fallible but completely unreliable. They produce only one of the many possible pictures of the world. The author criticizes this type of argument by means of a non-adaptation interpretation of evolutionary theory (Wuketits), and he is seeking an evolutionary way out.
The aim of the paper was to reveal the personality dimensions of loss aversion. The authors searched the differences in beliefs, values, identifications, evaluation of oneself and others in university students who expressed high sensitivity to loss in decision making and those who expressed low loss aversion. From 133 students (mean age 21.1, SD = 1.54; 43 men, 90 women) the majority showed loss aversion. A few students (N = 18) who showed low loss aversion differed from the very high loss averse students (N = 32) by using different criteria for evaluating themselves and others, by unstableness and ambivalence of these evaluations, and by contra-identifications. Moreover, they disapproved of high-risk professions (such as racing drivers, gamblers and boxers) less than very high loss aversion students did. The results imply loss aversion as a personal characteristic that is interconnected with values and interpersonal relations of a person.
Artykuł pokazuje, w jakim stopniu polityczna autoidentyfikacja na skali lewica–prawica wiąże się z treścią akceptowanych przekonań w sferze tożsamościowej i gospodarczej, z poparciem czterech głównych partii politycznych w Polsce (PO, PiS, LiD, PSL) oraz z psychospołecznymi zasobami jednostki (charakterystyki socjodemograficzne oraz kapitał ludzki). Podstawę badań stanowiły dane zebrane od reprezentatywnej próby dorosłych Polaków w 2008 roku (N=1024). Przeprowadzone analizy wykazały, że autoidentyfikacja Polaków na skali lewicowości–prawicowości jest bardziej istotnie związana z przekonaniami tożsamo- ściowymi niż z ekonomicznymi; jednak relacje te w obu przypadkach nie są silne. Okazało się także, że poziom liberalizmu przekonań, zarówno w sferze światopoglądowej, jak i gospodarczej, jest zależny od płci, wykształcenia i wielkości miejsca zamieszkania jednostki. Liberalizm ekonomiczny, w porównaniu do światopoglądowego, jest silniej wyjaśniany przez takie zmienne psychologiczne, jak: zaufanie do ludzi, kontrola nad własnym losem, moralna legitymizacja systemu politycznego oraz poczucie szczęścia.
(Polish title: Lewicowosc-prawicowosc autoidentyfikacji politycznych a przekonania i kapital spoleczny - perspektywa psychologii politycznej). The article answers the question to what extent a political autoidentification on the left-right wing scale is related to the content of acceptable beliefs related to their identification as well as economic domain, to support for four main political parties (PO, PiS, LiD, PSL), and to socio-psychological resources (socio-demographic characteristics and social capital). The survey was conducted on a representative sample of Polish adults (N=1024) in 2008. The analysis proved that Poles autoidentification on the left-right wing scale is more related to identification beliefs than to economic ones, but both these relationships are rather weak. It turned out that the level of liberal beliefs, in both domains - identification and economic one, depends on gender, education and place of residence. Economic liberalism, in comparison to identification liberalism, is better explained by the following psychological variables: trust to other people, sense of control, legitimization of political system and happiness.
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