Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

THE POLISH CHURCH AND CLERGY IN THE YEARS 1914-1918

100%

Piela M.

Dzieje Najnowsze

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2004

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nr 3

185-193

EN

'The specifically objective circumstances of political life during the period' of the WW I enabled the Catholic Church to play an important role in building the cornerstones of new Polish statehood. The Church hierarchy promoted primarily social initiatives. In 1915 the Polish bishops, who unanimously joined a charity campaign, appeared as the episcopate of a single nation, albeit still divided by the frontiers of the partitioning states. A meeting held in Warsaw in 1917 by bishops from all three partition areas was perceived by the partitioning authorities as a sign of the emergence of an independent Poland. The Polish clergy demonstrated significant activity, and the symbol of the assorted initiatives pursued by its representatives was their involvement in the new organs of power as well as political unions and organisations: the Provisional Council of State, the Regency Council, the Central Civic Committee, and the Chief People's Council in the region of Poznan, participation in the debates of the Provincial Sejm in Poznan in 1918, and the wartime work performed by chaplains in all Polish lands. Despite assorted limitations and objective obstacles, as well as the emergence of various conceptions within the Episcopate and the clergy, divided by the three partitions, it would be difficult to envisage the existence of the new Polish state in 1918 without recalling the patriotic and national activity of the Catholic clergy.

2

CRACOW BEFORE AND IN 1914

100%

Chrobaczynski J.

Dzieje Najnowsze

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2004

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nr 3

63-78

EN

The history of Cracow (Kraków) during the period preceding the outbreak of the WW I and in the year 1914 is considered from many view points. It is stressed that this relatively small county town in Western Galicia, albeit with a university, turned into a metropolis thanks to its autonomous status and quite possibly mainly due to its brilliant administrators. It became an sprawling, industrialised urban centre, exuding a new spirit (Young Poland) and modernity, and finally a wartime fortress, one of the most prominent along the peripheries of the Empire. After the WW I it managed to become one of the foremost towns of the Second Republic, although quite different from the capital of Warsaw and even more so from Poznan or Gdansk. Apparently, only Lvov, Cracow's 'eternal' greatest competitor, could bear comparison.

3

WARSAW IN 1914

100%

Dunin-Wasowicz K.

Dzieje Najnowsze

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2004

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nr 3

55-62

EN

On the eve of the WW I Warsaw was the seat of the General Governor of the so-called Vistulaland, part of the Russian Empire. Out of its population totalling 884 554 (on 1 January 1914), about 260 000 persons left Warsaw in the summer and autumn of 1914 due to the mobilisation and the first evacuation tide, but the majority - ca. 200 000 - returned already in November 1914. On the other hand, refugees from terrains occupied by the Germans flooded in. The next great evacuation tide took place in the spring of 1915. The most numerous social group in Warsaw was the working class (about 400 000). A large group - from 80 000 to 100 000 - was composed of the professional intelligentsia - Poles or assimilated Jews and in 1914 Russians. The most important political events for the Poles was the declaration of Grand Duke Nicholas, announced on 14 August. Greatest significance was attached to the establishment on 5 November of the National Polish Committee (KPN), composed of representatives of the National Democracy and the Real Policy Party. The impact of KPN and pro-Russian sympathies were by no means unambiguous. Pro-independence groups made their appearance; they also issued numerous anti-Russian leaflets signed primarily by the Polish Socialist Party-Revolutionary Faction and the National Workers' Union. The activity of the pro-independence camp in Warsaw included also numerous meetings of the progressive intelligentsia.

4

THE ANTI-RUSSIAN ORIENTATION IN 1914

100%

Suleja W.

Dzieje Najnowsze

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2004

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nr 3

43-54

EN

The anti-Russian orientation was shaped in Galicia at the end of the first decade of the twentieth century. The irredentist core of the orientation was initially composed of emigrants from the Kingdom of Poland, mainly of socialist provenance; soon, however, it increased due to access by the opponents of the current political line represented by the National League. The second core of the anti-Russian segment were the adherents of transforming the dualistic Habsburg monarchy into an Austro-Polish-Hungarian triad. Following the outbreak of the war, an attempt at continuing independent political activity, made by the irredentists together with the establishment of the Polish National Organisation, finally ended with the inclusion of that structure into the Cracow Committee (22 November 1914 ). The anti-Russian orientation was never uniform. After all, it was composed of forces which tried to realise different programmes whose contents were determined by people of incompatible experiences, not merely political. In 1914 the Galician subjects of Franz Joseph as well as the emigrants from the Kingdom of Poland found themselves in the same camp. They shared a common enemy and the belief that they were acting in the interest of the Polish cause. Despite recurring conflicts, the anti-Russian orientation survived in this form until August 1915.

5

LOSSES OF THE LANDOWNERS IN THE KINGDOM OF POLAND IN THE FIRST YEAR OF THE GREAT WAR

80%

Przenioslo M.

Dzieje Najnowsze

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2004

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nr 3

95-112

EN

In 1914-1915 the Kingdom of Poland was an area of wide-scale military operations, incurring considerable material losses in the estates of the local landowners. Some of the losses were not the outcome of the hostilities, but the outcome of the 'burnt earth' tactic applied by the retreating Russians. Apart from the devastation produced by the military campaigns, considerable losses were also due to army requisitions. as well as ordinary plunder committed by the soldiers. In certain terrains such damage was caused by the movement of the population evacuated from regions in which the battles were waged. The state of agriculture in the Kingdom of Poland was adversely affected by the absence of a sufficient labour force. Another serious problem, which sometimes outright rendered farm work impossible, was the declining number of horses. All those factors led to a considerable reduction of the area under cultivation, lower crops , and a drop in the livestock.

6

NATIONAL/RACIAL WAR. THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND NATIONAL CHARACTER (Wojna narodów - wojna ras. Charakterologia narodowa i pierwsza wojna swiatowa)

80%

Gorny M.

Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny

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2009

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tom 35

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nr 4(134)

67-88

EN

The First World War mobilised whole societies including scholars. Among the various motives that accompanied the phenomenon of the 'Krieg der Geister', the völkisch-racial complex of ideas played an important role. Notions of Volkstum, race, nation and Kultur enriched the vocabulary of social scientists far beyond circles of the organised movement for racial hygiene. The author focuses on the academic discourse on the national character of the war enemy, mainly represented psychiatry and anthropology publications. In the second part of the text, he traces the interconnections between these scientific genres and other areas of characteristic thought during the First World War and immediate post-war period. Among the discussed narrative strategies, the author identifies the 'feminisation' of the war enemy, manifesting itself in the psychological theories of suggestiveness, barbarianism, amorality, neurasthenia, depression and hysteria towards certain social and national groups. All of them are typically confronted with the manliness of one owns nation. Some Polish and Ukrainian authors of the period seemed to use the same argument against other nationalities, namely Russians. Publications by J. K. Kochanowski and W. Lutosławski show another possibility for intellectual refuge in the gender trap - the reformulation of some aspects of femininity as a positive self-stereotype. Another important mechanism of wartime publications could be summarised as symbolical exclusion from the European community of nations. German authors quite naturally labelled Russia as an Asiatic state, whereas their Polish and Ukrainian colleagues pushed the argument further to discover the non-Slavic ethnicity of the Russians. The symbolic exclusion of Russia and Russians was concluded with the help of both 'modern' racial and anthropological arguments and 'old' references to the Asiatism of their cultural and psychological formation.

7

„Západná hrozba“ a prognózy vojenskej a politickej elity Ruska o veľkej európskej vojne (roky 1910–1914)

80%

Pavlenko O. V.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2011

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tom 97

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nr 3-4

259-279

EN

Initially, the author speculates on the causes of World War I and potentials for their complete recognition. In other sections of the study, she analyzes documents prepared by numerous Russian military and political leaders between 1910 and 1914 regarding preparation of Russia for the upcoming conflict. Analysis of these documents regards development of the Russian leaders' ideas on the anticipated war and its most likely location. The article also comments on the development of the Russian elites' opinion involving Russian potentialities and readiness to solve the international crisis by power.

8

EVIDENZ BUREAU - K VÝVOJU RAKÚSKO-UHORSKEJ SPRAVODAJSKEJ SLUŽBY

80%

Medvecký M. , Zaťková J. , Ondra H.

Vojenská história

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2016

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tom 20

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nr 3

111 - 126

EN

In the reviewed material, the three historians decided to publish an excerpt from the large and unpublished work of the former Czechoslovak intelligence officer, František Fárek. The paper deals with the development of Austrian or Austro-Hungarian military intelligence, while the author himself based his ideas on the works already published. The materials by František Fárek are written engagingly, with his drafting skills being also confirmed by the memorial work issued later, entitled Stopy mizí v archivu (The Traces Disappear in the Archive). In terms of composition, the paper consists of a broader introduction and the very transcription of the passage mentioned above. The percipient comes across the case of a text incorporated in the text, with some moments being duplicate in both parts.

9

Čechoslováci v Dobrudži. Sonda do každodenního života a vnímání vojáků na polozapomenuté frontě první světové války

80%

Vacha D.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2010

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tom 96

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nr 1-2

217-240

EN

The author clarifies a less known episode of the Czechoslovak military resistance during World War I, i.e. the Czechoslovaks' fighting within Serbian military units on the Dobrudja front. The essay does not concentrate on political or strictly military affairs; it focuses on the military everydayness and illustrates experiences of Czechoslovak volunteers as they were captured it in diaries, biographies and autobiographic books. The author concludes the essay with the fact that, after crossing from the Serbian to the Russian army, many veterans of the Dobrudja campaign occupied important positions in the Czechoslovak division and later in the army corps.

10

Wielka Wojna na łamach warszawskiego „Tygodnika Ilustrowanego” – w pierwszym roku działań militarnych (1914–1915)

80%

Gabryś-Sławińska M.

Res Historica

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2012

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nr 34

47-64

EN

The “Tygodnik Ilustrowany”, one of its aims being to inform about world events and to collect and popularize historical mementoes during the period of historical transformations, focused its efforts on documenting changes. Publications that appeared in “Tygodnik Ilustrowany” between August 1914 and August 1915 can be divided into sentimental-emotional texts and information items. The “information hunger” of the readers was first of all satisfied by informative publications. The diversity of forms offered, both written (information texts, calendars of events, documents, testimonies of event participants, both by civilians and soldiers) and illustrative (maps, photo stories, single photographs), produced accounts, which, going beyond the strictly historical framework, nevertheless preserved historically significant events, occurrences or information items. For the weekly’s editors it was more important, rather than document “great history”, to record in their periodical the “daily history” and social responses to its events, which makes the “Tygodnik Ilustrowany” one of major sources to the historian studying World War I.

11

REGAINING OF INDEPENDENCE BY POLAND IN THE LIGHT OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

80%

Kolasa J.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2008

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nr 5(88)

9-39

EN

Making use of the circumstances created after the World War I by the victory of the Entente Alliance, the Polish nation reconstructed its statehood after more than one hundred years of bondage. The restoration of independence has not been based on any constitutive act of international or even national law nature. Both the Entente Powers, which supported the Polish nation's aspirations, and the Central Powers which were hostile to them, did not play any direct role in establishing the Polish state in 1918. The reconstruction of statehood was achieved by the will and act of the Polish nation itself. However, there is no unanimous view on whether at that time the pre-partition Republic was restituted or a completely new state was created lacking any substantive connection with its predecessor. There is no doubt, however, that both theory and practice of international law provide convincing examples and strong legal arguments for saying that after the revival of 1918, the Polish State acted as a continuance of its pre-partition predecessor. The then established state authority showed full legal conviction and resoluteness in assuming the substantive rights of historic Poland. Such was the will of the nation, implemented by the supreme authorities of the State, i.e. the government, the Sejm and the judiciary.

12

КАЙЗЕРОВСКАЯ ГЕРМАНИЯ У ИСТОКОВ НЕЗАВИСИМОСТИ ГРУЗИИ

80%

Chachava V.

Annales Scientia Politica

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2014

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tom 3

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nr 2

42 – 47

EN

The article reflects the influence of imperial Germany on the struggle for independence and democracy in Georgia (1901 – 1921). It analyses also the international activity of political organizations of Georgia and the conditions of the agreement, which made Germany the guarantee of the Georgian independence.

13

Franciszek Pekszyc “Grudziński”

80%

Cisek M.

Sowiniec

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2009

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nr 34-35

61-79

EN

The biography of Franciszek Pekszyc, pseudonym “Grudziński” – an officer in the Polish Legions. He was born in 1891 in Sokal. He studied geology at the Lviv Polytechnic and was engaged in scouting. When World War I broke out, he enlisted in the Polish Legions where he was designated as the commanding officer of the 4th Battalion in the 1st Brigade of Polish Legions, and shortly afterwards as the commander of company in the 6th Battalion. He lost his life on 3rd June 1915 around Modliborzyce while out on patrol.

14

HOSTINSKÁ ZAŘÍZENÍ V BOJI ZA STÁTNÍ SAMOSTATNOST ČESKOSLOVENSKA A PŘI JEJÍM VYHLÁŠENÍ

80%

Altman K.

Slovenský národopis (Slovak Ethnology)

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2018

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tom 66

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nr 3

276 – 286

EN

Pubs have long served as places of interpersonal communication, developed not only by by-passers, but mainly by regular houseguests. Such communication included political discussions and disputes, frequently on the position of the Czech nationality in Central Europe and its historical role in it. Disputes on this topic were strictly forbidden during World War I and would be conducted illegally; their content became gradually radicalised until it acquired a revolutionary character, directing the insurgent expressions of the debaters towards their active involvement in the attempts to achieve the leaving of Czech lands (together with Slovakia) from the Habsburg monarchy. This process culminated with the relatively spontaneous declaration of state independence at the end of October 1918, in which pubs played a special role as centres – though considerably restricted – of social life: from common pubs up to fancy club houses of the middle-class elite.

15

VOJENSKÝ PILOT C. A K. LETECTVA ALEXANDER GALBAVÝ A JEHO NASADENIE NA RUSKOM FRONTE

80%

Červenka J.

Vojenská história

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2022

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tom 26

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nr 2

45 - 56

EN

In this study, the author tries to introduce the activities of Alexander Galbavý, a native of present-day Slovakia, who served as a member of the Austro-Hungarian Air Force on the north-eastern battlefield from August 1915 to May 1916. During his last operational flight, he did not return to the base of his Flik 20 unit near the Volyn town of Luck, ending up in Russian captivity. In this relatively short time he made 37 operational flights, 29 of them over the enemy territory, which the author presents in this paper. Due to their varied purpose and course under often difficult weather conditions, they give a fairly concise picture of the tasks and obstacles an Austro-Hungarian aviator had to perform and overcome on the so-called Russian battlefield during the World War I.

16

LETECKÉ OPERÁCIE NAD PIAVOU POČAS POSLEDNEJ RAKÚSKO-UHORSKEJ OFENZÍVY V JÚNI 1918

80%

Červenka J.

Vojenská história

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2019

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tom 23

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nr 1

94 - 122

EN

The last Austro-Hungarian offensive on the so called southwest battlefield was accompanied by intense deployment of air forces. The air operations were carried out over and around the front virtually in its whole length - from the regions of former south Tyrol up to the Piava River basin. It was over Piava, where the Italians deployed numerous bomber formations, attacking the bridge constructions, roads, infantry assembly points or other strategic targets. Moreover, enemy air fighters were strafing the soldiers. The weaker K. u. k. Luftfahrtruppen, both in terms of quantity and quality, were active since the first hours of the offensive and in spite of suffering heavy losses, their pilots achieved several accomplishments in the air. The study is aimed at introducing the air war above the Piava River during the last Austro-Hungarian offensive in June 1918 and at the same time the last great deployment of air force of the Danube monarchy.

17

PÔSOBENIE FRIDRICHA MAŤAŠOVSKÉHO V SLUŽBE V RAKÚSKO-UHORSKEJ ARMÁDE V ROKOCH PRVEJ SVETOVEJ VOJNY

80%

Vrábel F.

Vojenská história

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2021

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tom 25

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nr 4

76 - 89

EN

By chance, the originally handwritten and later typewritten memoirs of the Austro-Hungarian soldier Fridrich/Fritz Mattyasovszky/Matiašovsky were saved from the waste paper collection in Ružomberok. The material is bound into a book of 518 numbered pages and captures Mattyasovszky‘s stories and reflections from his mobilisation in August 1914, fighting on the Eastern Front, followed by Transylvania, Romania and Alsace until his return back home. The last entry is from 23 August 1919 (however, transcribed on a typewriter only from 10 January to 14 March 1938). Mattyasovszky‘s memoirs are relatively fresh and valuable also due to the fact that he was recording his experiences continuously, supplementing them not only with his own illustrations, but also with contemporary photographs and postcards. After returning to his home village, Malá Udiča (today‘s Udiča, district of Považská Bystrica) he worked as a teacher.

18

MEMORY OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR OR ON THE ATTEMPT TO CREATE A EUROPEAN HISTORICAL MEMORY

80%

Madajczyk P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2008

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nr 4(329)

35-46

EN

The article shows the vastly diversified character of collective memory of the Great War in European countries. This diversity pertains also to Germany and Poland, Poland being in this respect a typical representative of the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe. The tensions that stem from those differences are all the more noteworthy, as since the 1990s there has been a visible acceleration of changes directed toward shaping the Great War as a European locus of memory. This tendency is manifested in the activity of the leading European museums which organize exhibitions arranged according to a different outlook than before.

19

První světová válka a její zpřítomnění ve francouzské společnosti (1989-2008

80%

Audoin-Rouzeau S.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2011

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tom 109

|

nr 1

5-14

EN

World War I began to exert a new influence on the public and continued to do so even between 1990 and 2000, although its last veterans were then being laid to their final rest. This contribution investigates the ways in which the „1914-18 event“ came to be once again a topical place of memory. At first it attempts to unveil several symptoms of this return of World War I into the public arena in France and to compile a chronology for it. As far as the re-discovery of the military past of the years 1914-18 is concerned, in the French case selective forgetfulness, a derealization and eupheminisation, seem to be a price too high. Thus is formed „a place of memory for the years 1914-18“, which is understandable and simultaneously acceptable to our contemporaries.

20

VOJNA A POLITIKA: POLITICKÉ SÚVISLOSTI BITKY PRI ZBOROVE (2. JÚLA 1917)

80%

Vrábel F.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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2017

|

tom 10

|

nr 2

48 – 66

EN

The Battle of Zborov of the 2nd July 1917 was the first joint operation of the Czechoslovak Volunteer Army in Russia - the Czechoslovak Shooting Brigade, which formed the basis of the Russian Legion. Although compared to other major combats on the western, eastern and southern fronts, this battle does not rank among the most influential battles in the military history of the First World War, it was of crucial importance in terms of forming the Czechoslovak Legions, or in terms of political assertion of the authority of the Czechoslovak resistance led by T.G. Masaryk, M. R. Štefánik and E. Beneš. This facilitated the formation of the Czechoslovak volunteer troops in Russia. Gradually, the Czechoslovak Army Corps, as well as the first regiments of the French Legion, and ultimately the Italian Legion in the west, came into being. From a political point of view, the Battle of Zborov proved to the allies that the Czechs and the Slovaks were able to fight for their freedom and for the creation of a common state with arms in their hands, and were even willing to sacrifice their lives in the struggle against the Central Powers. In the years of the first Czechoslovak Republic (1918 - 1938), the battle of Zborov became the basis of the fighting traditions of the Czechoslovak Army. However, following the German occupation of the Czech lands, and especially later, after the February of 1948, due to the victory of the Communist regime, these traditions were politically suppressed, their importance being largely pushed into the background through emphasizing the struggle at the Battle of Dukla Pass in autumn 1944. The grave of an unknown soldier from Zborov at the Old Town Hall in Prague was destroyed by the Germans and, following the liberation of the country, was replaced by the tomb of an unknown soldier from the Battle of Dukla Pass. It was only after 1989 that the Zborov Battle and its heroes were once again restored to their former glory and were returned their status in the history of the Slovaks and the Czechs in the struggle for freedom and for their own statehood.