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EN
Throughout its historic development, the stress put in international law on the protection of national minorities has been stronger or weaker depending upon the momentary interest of states. In (general) international law, the term 'national minority' has not yet been legally defined. Such a definition has been formulated only for Europe. This article explores these historical developments and attempts to explain the current differences in the definition in various tribunals and jurisdictions. In this context it also compares the systems of protection of national minorities at the international and European level.
EN
This paper is an attempt to reconstruct the form of existence of linguistic nationalism in Hungary in the period of the Dual Monarchy, to trace the main ingredients of that linguistic ideology. The author's aim is not to explore and contrast the various prominent and less prominent individual views of the period but rather to reconstruct a general, collective system of ideas and values that underlies their apparent multiplicity and that is more or less constant throughout the period at hand. As a result of that reconstruction, partial and non-definitive as it might be, a rather abstract and complex system of views emerges; but one has to observe that the abstract system of views at issue had important practical consequences with respect to the everyday linguistic behaviour of the communities carrying it and especially those forced to be confronted with it. Quite a few specific forms of linguistic behaviour of the period (such as the practice of language cultivation, the language shift of linguistic minorities of Hungary, changes in the use and functions of languages and language varieties spoken in Hungary, changes in the system of those languages and varieties, etc.) can eventually be explained in the light of that linguistic ideology.
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Legal regulation of the position of minorities has had a long and complex tradition in the Czech lands. In 1938, so-called minority status was under preparation; it represented a systematic legal regulation of the position of ethnic and language minorities. After World War II, the rights of minorities were generally refused and no regulation in this respect existed. The political relief of 1968 brought in a new situation. A special commission was established to work on the federalization of the state and on the regulation of the rights of minorities. Both constitutional acts were passed on 27th October 1968, symbolically meeting the 50th anniversary of the Republic.
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Content available remote Personální kulturní autonomie v Estonsku a podmínky její aplikace
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The author deals with different applications of personal cultural autonomy. Taking Estonia as a main model application, the autor compares inter-war conditions with the situation after restauration of the independence in 1991. He analyses conditions for realisation of territorial and personal autonomy. The principle of the personal cultural autonomy can be used in the case of small dispersed national minorities but cannot satisfy nations or big national minorities living on a compact area. The conception of austromarxists O. Bauer and K. Renner inspired Estonian progressive solution of the minority question in 1925. The law on personal cultural autonomy was renewed in 1993 but, on contrary to the interwar situation, it did not satisfy and stabilize minority question because of the opposition of Russian minority, which rejected to accept it because of changed situation as the question of citizenship became a main problem for ethnic stability.
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Te problem of minorities in the social sciences and humanities appears relatively late, only afer the Second World War. In common literature I do not fnd to this day historical or monographic work devoted to minorities, although there are many fragmentary works treating this problem selectively. Ten suddenly, when it became clear that the declarations of human rights and civil rights (“French” of 1789) and the common of 1948 failed to notice the diversity of multi-faith society, including multicultural, and society itself as a conglomerate of diferent styles of life, at the end of various sexual orientations … the minority issue appeared with an unexpected power as a signum temporis of the postmodern era. It appeared, but it still fails to explain how to separate minoriies, which are separated in every society diferently. Te purpose of this article is the initial attempt to answer this question in the historical and contemporary context.
EN
This contribution focuses on the problems of ethnic identity and assimilation processes in minority background, and concentrates on the problems of Slovak minorities. The author. presents the classification of assimilation factors, which he designed on basis of the theoretical aspects of ethnicity. These assimilation factors have a vast influence on members of a minority in minority communities. This approach is guided results of the author's field research and review of relevant literature, especially in the areas of the Republic of Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, Serbia and Croatia. The paper contains new information that can contribute to the theory of assimilation processes. The research of these issues and the outlined factors of ethnic assimilation and their contexts certainly cannot be considered as definitive.
EN
This study aims to.draw attention to national minorities as a distinct group from immigrants. Additionally, it attempts. to introduce a global perspective on national minorities, with specific reference to Hungarians in Central Europe. There are no sociological theories addressing the issue of national minorities in the area of education; it is argued here that theories relating.to immigrants might be a useful starting point. For example, Ogbu's distinction' between 'voluntary' and 'involuntary' minorities is applicable to the distinction between immigrants and national minorities. Using empirical evidence, from a nationally representative survey carried out in the Carpathian-basin, I find little support for Ogbu's thesis. Analysis of the data indicates significant variation between the autochthonous minorities examined in the study which questions whether it is appropriate to generalize on the basis of voluntarity alone. Additionally, empirical analysis specifically on Hungarians does not support Ogbu's thesis. The Hungarian national minority as an involuntary group is not significantly disadvantaged with respect to educational attainment (with the exception of Slovakia). On the contrary, they seem to catch up with the majority, i.e. the gap between majority and minority appears to be narrowing.
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Content available remote THIS IS A PIECE OF OUR LAND. ABOUT POLES FROM THE VILLAGE OF STIRCEA IN MOLDAVIA
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This article discusses the problem of ethnic and national identity of different social groups. Taking as an example the village of Stircea, inhabited mainly by Poles, the authoress analyzes different factors engaged in the survival of Polish identity among the villagers. At the beginning we have a brief description of the village and its history. Then she reviews various concepts of a nation, mainly based on Anthony D. Smith's approach. She uses his theory to show the difference between 'national' and 'ethnic' minorities (so called ethnie), and argues that the concept of ethnic minority or local community fits particular case better than the general idea of national minority. Language, religion, tradition and the perception of history and their influence on the survival of Polish identity are being discussed as well as the fact that this group forms a compact local community.
EN
Starting from 2009 our journal will be published under a new title 'Studia Migracyjne - Przeglad Polonijny (Migration Studies - Review of Polish Diaspora). The new name opens a new chapter in the history of the quarterly which dates back to 1975. Taking into account the increasing complexity and importance of international mobility in Europe and worldwide and responding to the growing interest in migration studies, the journal shifts its interest towards contemporary aspects of migration. The first issue with a 'new face' focuses on theoretical perspectives in migration studies. At the same time, the quarterly will continue to cover the history of Polish migrations and cultural changes of Polish immigrant communities abroad. According to the long tradition of the 'Przeglad Polonijny', these processes will be analyzed in the context of international migrations, globalization, and increasing cultural diversity of the contemporary societies. The editorial board calls for texts which illuminate mechanisms and patterns of migrations nowadays. Both theoretical and empirical studies are welcome. Submitted works do not have to address examples relating to Poland. On the contrary, we are interested in the cross-national comparative perspective. Along with the synchronic approach, we encourage the diachronic one. The journal is supported by the Polish Academy of Sciences, and its Committee for Migration Studies and Polish Diaspora (former Committee for Polonia Studies).
EN
According to the 2011 census, approximately 12% of the population of Slovakia declared their belonging to national minorities. Government funding has been available to organizations engaged in minority cultural activities since 1998, and since then it has become the most important income source for minority organizations. The aim of the paper is twofold. It analyses the system itself which encompasses the changes and continuities in the funding system in terms of rules, priorities, and the budget, but also the changes in the activity of the organizations, the distribution of project proposals by project type, and the type and nationality of the applicant. Besides this, the data provided by the donors are utilized for the sake of the analysis of the composition and structure of minority institutional systems in Slovakia. The analysis is based on documents and data published by the donors on the internet. The analysis of the internal structure and inequalities within institutional systems showed, that the smaller minorities, in fact, tend to rely on an even more limited number of hierarchically structured organizations that try to cover as wide a range of activities as possible and receive the dominant share of the funding allocated to the respective minorities.
EN
The authors deal with the relationship between Hungarians living in Hungary and their minorities in the neighbouring countries, mainly in connection to disputes about the Hungarian national and supporting policy in the 1990s. The elaboration of the part of the new strategy of national consciousness and national politics pertaining to foreign affairs initiated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs forms the background of their argument. The study clarifies the characteristics of the Hungarian national consciousness, outlines the changes in Hungarian national politics and the policy towards Hungarians over the last years.
EN
Among the handful of early-twentieth century Western analysts of Eastern European problems, the Scottish contemporary historian R.W. Seton-Watson was by no means the least important. His work “Racial Problems in Hungary“ from 1908 was a remarkable attempt to analyse the historical evolution of the Slovak-Magyar (ethnic Hungarian) relationship and the contemporary realities of multinational Hungary, in which the non-Magyar nationalities were subjected to a relentless policy of Magyarisation and national oppression. During the First World War Seton-Watson exerted his influence in Britain to help the revolutionary Czecho-Slovak leadership to proclaim a Czecho-Slovak state after the defeat of the Central Powers. At the end of 1918 this state was founded, but a serious problem emerging at the outset was the presence of large German and Magyar minorities in its territory. In the Slovak part of the new state the Magyar minority made up some twenty percent of the population, and the question was what kind of policies the Czechoslovak government was going to implement with regard to the Hungarians and the promises of cultural autonomy. This also included social issues, in particular the question of land reform of which both Slovak and Magyar peasants should benefit. In 1923 Seton-Watson made his first visit to Slovakia after the War and the successful national revolution of 1918, visiting several locations in the country and presenting his findings in “The New Slovakia“, published the following year. It is evident that Seton-Watson found it difficult to evaluate the new situation in a straigthforward or consistent way. He sympathised with the new Czechoslovak state, but he also expressed some criticism with regard to certain Czechoslovak or Slovak policies on the Magyar minority. It would seem that the complexity of Seton-Watson´s views can be seen as an example of the bewilderment of Western commentators when it comes to trying to understand the complexities and dilemmas involved in the national problems of Central and Eastern Europe.
EN
The author, starting from the general situation of minorities and problems involved in the application of minority rights, demonstrates the situation of minority politics in Hungary, which basically focuses on the 'Roma situation'. The author goes into details about how the Hungarian Armed Forces takes its share in the tasks of improving the situation of the 'Roma' minority groups and improving their social integration.
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The American Embassy in Prague closely monitored the political development in Czechoslovakia as of the late 1920s and in its reports analyzed the main hot issues. Apart from the aggravated international political situation in the region, the economic depression and the growth of autonomist trends in Slovakia the American diplomats saw the ethnic problems as the most important ones, particularly the relations between Czechs and Germans and the Czechoslovak-Hungarian problem. The attitude of the German speaking population to the Czechoslovak Republic and to the luring by Nazi Germany was considered by the State Department as of 1934 as 'a problem of utmost importance for the current and future development in the Central European region'. The Americans were particularly interested in the personal features and political views of the leader of the Sudeten German Party, Konrad Henlein, and they considered the rejection of Nazi and separatist requirements by the German minority as a necessary precondition of preserving the integrity of the Czechoslovak State; this, however, failed to happen. Reports sent by U.S. charge d'affaires a. i. J. Webb Benton and later by Ambassador Wilbur Carr informed in detail about the events leading to the Czechoslovak crisis in 1938. As the information submitted by American diplomats was based on interviews with Czechoslovak politicians (particularly with Tomas Garrigue Masaryk and Edvard Benes) as well as with members of the German minority coming from 'all its layers', and also on their visits to the border areas, it provides an analytical view 'from outside'. This source, however, has failed so far to be used for research into this problem.
EN
The development and associated life conditions of members of national minorities in Slovakia is influenced by several factors. This article’s hypothesis is that one of the significant factors determining the quality of life of national minorities is the degree to which minorities follow media output focussed on them. This article interprets the scale of minorities’ engagement with selected media categories (in print, radio and television) using questionnaire collection data in the APVV project. Additionally, the aim of this contribution is to monitor the development of the culture of national minorities in the media sphere through comparing the current research results with the research of the previous project from 2004. Due to the national heterogeneity of Slovakia, an important step by Slovak governmental organizations has been the monitoring and subsequent support and further development of nationality cultural activities. Besides a number of organizations, associations, theatres, museums, associations, civic groups and national minorities groups which organize many cultural activities, the minority culture is also supported by regular radio and television broadcasts on Slovak Radio and Television stations (RTVS) – which was established as public, national, information, cultural and educational institution. The analysis of the results of the questionnaire from the current APVV project confirmed the statistical significance of the minority factor both in relation to the minority press as well as in relation to the minority broadcasting of RTVS on both the radio and television. In summary, the relationship between the rates of following of the minority press and broadcasting by the relevant minority is interrelated with the life and development of the national minority itself; and, correspondingly, this directly affects the rate of minority broadcasting.
EN
The article provides an overview of the main topics and areas of biographical and oral history research in Lithuania starting from the 1990s. The overview covers studies that analyze oral or written autobiographical narratives or deal with personal experiences of historical events. A brief summary is also given of the institutional activities in collecting biographical information and establishing archives in Lithuania. The issues and areas of biographical research in Lithuania confirm that while analyzing individual biographies of the people of Lithuania it is difficult to avoid the historical dimension, which reflects the relation of an individual with the historical factors and changes (especially, the Soviet and German occupations and the post-Socialist coup). The individual and the collective need to cope with the socio-political breaks and changing regimes have to a considerable degree determined both: the generation and collection of narratives of personal reminiscences as well as the biographical and oral history research.
EN
Nowadays, almost in the blink of the eye, multiculturalism in Warsaw is gaining a new character, but this new character has older, pre-war roots. Today we witness a process in which the 'old' minorities, especially Jews, are replaced by other migrants, mostly Vietnamese. Warsaw attracts, with its economic and social growth, not only people from other parts of Poland but also ethnically varied groups of migrants. Unfortunately, the Polish public sphere is ruled by diversionary issues and policies. One may have an impression then that we have entered an era of political correctness but this has been done without the proper debate concerning its postulates or even attempts to define fuzzy borders between what we can consider as only 'our' (or 'theirs') and what is truly universal. If we do not engage in this debate, it is possible that one day the multiculturalists dream of 'difference' and ethno-nationalists will become the reality. This means that we will wake up in a state in which alienated individuals (both 'true Poles' and migrants) will be individually described only in the frames of fundamentalism with universal aspirations or ethnic ghettos, which are also artificially created with the help of national pop culture.
EN
One of the most vital questions that needed to be answered concerning national minorities in Yugoslavia after the First World War, or rather after the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, was the question regarding the usage of their native language. In this study I will dedicate myself to discussing the government´s academic, school or rather educational politics towards minorities in the period between the two world wars. I will be focused on discussing the specific administrative and legal regulations regarding the representative minorities in Vojvodina and the whole of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes respectively. Opportunities regarding education in Vojvodina were diverse and there was no real consistency when it comes educational politics. The state finally revoked the 37 different provincial laws and regulations and put in place unanimous school regulations for the entire state in 1929 with the goal of unifying all social, political and public aspects of the Yugoslavian national basis. This study will exemplify how the state acted towards minority groups after establishing a new state and will illustrate the most important laws and law proposals regarding the use of their native language.
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Content available remote Život dětí v obcích bývalého jazykového ostrůvku na Vyškovsku
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EN
The paper deals with the life of children in eight former German villages in the Vyskovsko Region, since the end of the 19th century until the forced transfer in 1946. The children grew up within the environment that put great stress on traditions, catholic religion and definition and safeguarding of their German identity against the Czech surroundings, which was demonstrated by wearing the local folk costumes and surviving of the ancient dialect and many habits. The upbringing in families, at school or in clubs was aimed at the support of German national feeling. The contacts with the Czech children were minimal in the so-called upper language island; the Czech families became assimilated, or they were not integrated into the village collective. The Czech minority schools founded in the German villages after 1918, especially the lower secondary school in Kucerov (1926), incurred displeasure and became a source of quarrels. The more frequent contacts between the Czech and the German children can be seen in the ethnically mixed and bilingual environment of the so-called lower language island.
EN
The article is directed towards describing and analysing three thematic parts. The first is directed towards the social conditions in the modern European societies of around 1900, which stimulated the development of public care for the young. These conditions are classified as follows: the end of the first demographic transition, an economy of human resources motivated by utilitarian thinking, nationalist populationism and militarism. In the specific conditions of building Czechoslovakia, state propaganda emphasizing building the image of a democratic, tolerant and progressive republic must be added to these facts. The second part is devoted to the problematic fusion of the different traditions of care for the young in the Austrian and Hungarian parts of the Habsburg Monarchy. Analysis of the problems of unification focuses on three thematic parts: 1) differences in the legislation of the two parts of the state, 2) the institutional structure and its development, 3) traditions of civil charity. In spite of the transfer of the Czech organizational structure of District Youth Care and its centralized building based on ethnic principles into Slovakia and Sub-Carpathian Ruthenia, strong elements of continuity with the pre-war system remained. The third part deals with nationalism and ethnic factors in social care for the young. Precisely here, there was strong continuity with the 19th century, when national rivalry between the Czechs and Germans influenced the development of the institutions of social care. Special attention is devoted to the Roma and the application of the vague concept of the “Gypsy way of life” to care for the young.
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