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After the October Revolution different nations were forced to live together on the area of totalitarian Soviet Union. Their history got worse after the Second World War when Soviet soldiers and especially Stalyn were considered as winners and in this way they cold “colonise” new countries. Their citizens wanted to regain freedom in the 60’s and 70’s od twentieth century. They were called dissidents. One of the most famous modern Russian writers who presents these subject matters is Ludmila Ulitskaya – the representative of new realism whose books have been translated into 25 languages. In her novels and short stories she concentrates mainly on the silmilarities and differences between The Russians and other nations being under communistic control. Ulitskaya shows that some of them wanted to keep their identity by looking after their own tradition, religion, customs. The novelist tries to prove that it is possible to coexist with each other if you respect different habits and culture and if you desire to communicate with others using constructive dialogue.
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It seems that our world is made of mainly nation states - independent states based on one particular nation, sometimes with some minorities in that state. Thus the model seams to be ‘a nation is establishing its boundaries’. On the other hand, our world also has the ‘boundaries that made a nation’ model, in which a nation was created after boundaries were drawn. Most independent European countries belong to the first model but Spain, Belgium, and five tiny states belong to the second model.
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This is a contribution to the discussion on Miloš Řezník’s article, ‘Národní kategorie a současná historiografie’ (National categories and contemporary historiography), published in Dějiny - teorie - kritika 3/2006, p. 7-34. I operate nominalistically with the category of nation. In contrast to the study of history in the ‘national historical framework’ I propose the historical analysis and microhistorical correction to the macro-analytical approaches of ‘national history’ (both in principal in agreement with Řezník). The main part of my discussion is, however, concerned with Řezník’s argument that one cannot leave the ‘national historical framework’ without also taking up a position on national identity. My emphasis here is on Weber’s idea of ‘value neutrality’. I also point out the need to distinguish between diff erent layers: (1) (potential) national life, (2) national consciousness, (3) consciousness and a refl ected identifi cation of oneself as a member of a certain nation, and (4) the situation in which national motifs enter into the intentionality of social behaviour. These levels should not be confused when conducting research.
CS
Tento text je diskusním příspěvkem ke studii Miloše Řezníka Národní kategorie a současná historiografie (DTK 3/2006, s. 7-34). S kategorií „národa“ pracuji nominalisticky. Proti studiu dějin v národně dějinném rámci navrhuji historickou analýzu problémů a mikrohistorickou korekci makroanalytických přístupů k „národním dějinám“ (oboje v zásadě ve shodě s Řezníkem). Polemicky se vyjadřuji především k Řezníkově tezi, že nelze opouštět „národní dějinný rámec“, aniž bychom tím zároveň nezaujímali stanovisko k národní identitě. Oproti tomuto přístupu zde akcentuji tezi o „hodnotové neutralitě“ Maxe Webera. Dále upozorňuji na potřebu odlišovat vrstvy: 1. (potencionálně) národního života, 2. národního vědomí, 3. vědomí a reflektované identifikace sebe sama jako příslušníka určitého národa a 4. situace, kdy národní motivy vstupují do intencionality sociálního jednání. V rámci bádání by neměly být tyto roviny zaměňovány.
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Content available remote Národní kategorie a současná historiografie:
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This article is concerned with the social and cultural conditions underlying the continuing important role of concepts ofnational history. This continuing viability means that concepts that are ever more strikingly emerging as an altemative to national histories are actually failing to challenge them and often in fact derive from national categories (regional history as the history ofregions within nations and so on). The basic circumstances underlying the demand for national histories continue to be considered problematised, but the importance ofnational identities for European societies remains one ofthe decisive factors here. In regard to national histories, therefore, the situation offers historiography an extensive hut at the same time very problematic opportunity for the legitimisation of the discipline. The article is focused on European trends specifically since the end ofthe 1980s with particular attention to Czech historiography. In this context it then touches on several important discussions and disputes in Czech historiography over the last 15 years.
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The article discusses the issue of how Dmitry Merezhkovsky thinks about Polish Republic new religious consciousness, appearances of anti-bolshevists. Researches are based on the analysis of publications in periodicals of Polish Republic. The main issue is religious messianism of Russian and Polish peoples.
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The Chronographia of Michael Psellos (1018–1081) reveals a limited interest in nations and minorities within and without the Byzantine Empire. He had access to information about these peoples either indirectly (1018–1042) or more directly (1042–1078). He has a greater understanding of their complexity, especially between 1042–1059 when his friend Constantine Leichoudes was mesazon. Psellos refers to nations and minorities in his Chronographia through the prism of the imperial court at Constantinople.  
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The article argues that anyone who sins with any of the attitudes denoted by the verb hypsoō w will not evade adequate punishment. When an individual commits this sin the punishment is loss of the ability to rule, illness or even death. If nations succumb to pride their fate is destruction as punishment for impenitence and disobedience to God. Punishment is inflicted on heathen rulers and nations as well as on the kings and the chosen people. Then God is the ultimate punishing instance and the foundation of justice. In turn the attitude of those who bravely oppose the pride of the rulers and whole communities encourages others to persevere in the conduct that pleases God.
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Content available remote Palackého Dějiny a historická paměť národa
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This article analyzes the role that František Palacký’s multi-volume History of the Czech Nation in Bohemia and Moravia had in constituting the modern historical memory of the Czech nation. It starts from the concept of collective memory as defined by the sociologist Maurice Halbwachs, and focuses chiefly on the description and interpretation of collectively shared images of the past. The article examines the relationship between historiography and historical painting in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, mainly in the works of Mikoláš Aleš, Luděk Marold, and Václav Brožík. Using specific examples, such as battle fields and symbolic architecture, the article considers the ability of the landscape and places on it to become media of historical memory.
CS
Tento článek rozebírá roli, kterou mělo mnohosvazkové dílo Františka Palackého Dějiny národu českého v Čechách a v Moravě v konstituování moderní historické paměti českého národa. Text vychází z pojmu kolektivní paměti, jak ho definoval sociolog Maurice Halbwachs, a zaměřuje se zejména na popis a interpretaci kolektivně sdílených obrazů minulosti. Článek zkoumá vztah mezi historiografií a historickou malbou v pozdním devatenáctém a na počátku dvacátého století, především v dílech Mikoláše Alše, Luďka Marolda a Václava Brožíka. S využitím specifických příkladů, jako bitevních polí nebo symbolické architektury, článek promýšlí schopnost krajiny a míst v ní být nositelem historické paměti.
EN
Based on the discussions around the proposed establishment of the Institute of National Memory in the Czech Republic, the article aims to surpass the narrow political conflict and instead to analyze what does this mean for the historiography of recent history and the historical culture in general. It starts by examining the role and achievements of the historical profession vis-à-vis the societal and political dealing with the legacy of the communist dictatorship after 1989. In this period, the historiography was significantly determined by the rehabilitation of the nation-state in the political realm and by the process of democracy building, with the obvious need to legitimize the existence of both. The study focuses on how this is linked to the concept of national history and how it relates to the internal restructuring and development of the historiography of recent history as well as the “upsurge of memorialism” in the recent decades. After analyzing the new wave of politization of contemporary history in East Central Europe during the last few yeas, it concludes with a section concerning the role and potential implications of the institutes of national memory in the region. The study concentrates mainly on the Czech developments, attempting however to draw a broader picture and to base the conclusions on comparisons with other countries in the region, primarily Poland.
CS
Tento článek, vycházeje z diskusí nad návrhem zřízení českého Ústavu paměti národa, se snaží překročit úzce politický spor a místo toho probrat, co to vlastně znamená pro dějepisectví nedávné doby a historickou kulturu obecně. Studie nejprve zkoumá roli a výsledky dějepisné profese tváří v tvář společenskému a politickému vyrovnávání se s odkazem komunistické diktatury po roce 1989. Historiografie byla v tomto období významně podmíněna obnovováním národního státu v politické rovině a procesem budování demokracie, se zjevnou potřebou legitimizovat existenci obou. Studie analyzuje, jak je to spojeno s konceptem národních dějin a vztaženo k vnitřní restrukturalizaci a vývoji historiografie nedávné doby, stejně jako k „vzestupu memorialismu“ v posledních desetiletích. Po rozboru nové vlny politizace soudobých dějin ve východní části Střední Evropy v posledních několika letech studie končí částí věnovanou roli a možným dopadům institucí národní paměti v regionu. Studie se zaměřuje především na vývoj v Česku, ale snaží se zároveň podat i širší obraz problematiky, založený na srovnání s dalšími státy v regionu, primárně s Polskem.
EN
The starting point for this study is that (the majority of) conventional figurative units (CFUs) are conceptual in nature and that they somehow record and preserve the knowledge and even worldview of diverse cultures. The aim of this paper is to take a first step towards answering the question whether it is true not only that phraseology preserves the way a given culture understands the world (or understood it in the past), but if it works the other way round, i.e. if people using/knowing CFUs involving stereotypes - in this case, Czech idioms and collocations regarding nations and ethnic groups - tend to extend these stereotypes and attitudes beyond the linguistic sphere. For this purpose a survey questionnaire was created, by means of which the stereotypes underlying a varied sample of 13 Czech CFUs were related to the prejudices of the respondents
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Content available Rozejmy i traktaty Wielkiej Wojny na Wschodzie
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Pierwszym traktatem pokojowym w I wojnie światowej był separatystyczny traktat Rosji bolszewickiej z państwami centralnymi. Zawarty został 3 marca 1918 r. w Brześciu Litewskim. Już 13 listopada 1918 r. Rosja bolszewicka wypowiedziała separatystyczny traktat brzeski. Armia Czerwona ruszyła na zachód. Celem było zaniesienie rewolucji komunistycznej do Niemiec i innych krajów.
EN
The first peace treaty in World War I was the separatist treaty between Bolshevik Russia and the Central Powers. It was concluded on March 3, 1918 in Brest Litovsk (Brześć Litewski). On November 13, 1918 Bolshevik Russia terminated the separatist Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. The Red Army started moving west. The aim was to introduce the communist revolution to Germany and other countries.
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Content available Koneczny a Fukuyama. Szkic porównawczy
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The article compares the views of the Polish philosopher of civilisation, Feliks Koneczny with the American political philosopher and political scientist, Francis Fukuyama. Koneczny is a conservative, while Fukuyama is a liberal, but there are great similarities in their concepts of the world’s major civilisations. Their views on national identity are also similar. The author considers Koneczny’s concept of pluralism of civilisations compared to Fukuyama’s concept of unification of the world by liberal democracy as the main difference between the two scholars.
PL
Artykuł porównuje poglądy polskiego filozofa cywilizacji Feliksa Konecznego z amerykańskim filozofem politycznym i politologiem Francisem Fukuyamą. Koneczny jest konserwatystą, a Fukuyama liberałem, jednak istnieją duże podobieństwa w ich koncepcjach głównych cywilizacji świata. Zbliżone są także ich poglądy na tożsamość narodową. Za główną różnicę między oboma badaczami autor uznaje koncepcję pluralizmu cywilizacji Konecznego w porównaniu z koncepcję Fukuyamy – unifikacji świata przez liberalną demokrację.
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Content available remote Vznik a zánik Československa na pozadí zásady sebeurčení národů
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The Czechoslovak Republic was established on the basis of the then existent international political principle of self-determination of nations, applied to it by the Allies in the Saint-Germain Peace Treaty. That principle became generally binding in international law by its integration in Article 1.2 of the Charter of the United Nations. The legal content of this principle is nonetheless unclear and imprecise. It does not define the term nation; it does not ensure full equality between nations claiming self-determination; and it lacks precision in terms of how the right of self-determination is to be implemented. In the beginning of 1990s, the nations of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic made use of the second opportunity for their self-determination. However, in contrast to the Czechoslovak law, international law was actually not relevant to solve such a situation. In an unclear constitutional situation, the path chosen was one of political negotiations led not within, but parallel to the constitution, which respected the equality of participating nations, and which resulted in a constitutional law on the dissolution of the State. However, legal doubts arise not only with regard to the fact that the Constitutional Court of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic was given no opportunity for clarifying whether the constitutional order allowed for taking such a path, but also with regard to the fact that the people, being the original constituent power, were given no say in a referendum on the second opportunity for self-determination.
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ČSR se konstituovala na základě tehdejší mezinárodněpolitické zásady sebeurčení národů, kterou na ni spojenci aplikovali v mírové Saint-germainské smlouvě. Tato zásada se stala všeobecně závaznou svým vyhlášením v čl. 1 [2] Charty OSN. Její právní obsah je ale nejistý a málo určitý. Nedefinuje jednotně pojem národa, nezajišťuje zcela rovnost mezi národy nárokujícími sebeurčení a neupřesňuje dostatečně náležitosti realizace práva na sebeurčení. Národy ČSFR využily počátkem 90. let 20. století druhou příležitost k sebeurčení. Mezinárodní právo se v těchto souvislostech neuplatnilo, na rozdíl od práva československého. V nejasné ústavní situaci byla zvolena mimoústavní cesta politických negociací, které respektovaly rovnost zúčastněných národů a které vyústily v ústavní zákon o zániku státu. Právní pochybnosti nicméně budí skutečnost, že Ústavní soud ČSFR nedostal příležitost k výkladu, zda to ústavní řád připouští, a okolnost, že lid coby originární ústavodárce nebyl v otázce druhé příležitosti k sebeurčení dotázán v plebiscitu.
PL
The article tries to describe the theology of David’s testimony in Isaiah55:3-5 in light of its historical background, to wit the last decade of theBabylonian exile, and in relation to the internal quandary of Judean Exiles.The study undertakes an inquiry into the question of whether the eternalcovenant in Isaiah 55:3-5 is the continuation of the Sinaitic Covenant, orrather does its content go beyond the Mosaic Law, creating a totally newrelationship of God with Israel. The study also draws attention to the existenceof a redactional addition, which swifts the weight of the originalmessage from a revanchist Judeo-centrism toward the irenic ethnic-centrismtypical of the Book of Jonah.
EN
The article proposes a new translation and interpretation of the messianic prophecy in Isa. 55:1-7, whose vv. 3-5 are thoroughly analyzed. The analysis includes not only the meaning of the individual words, but also the syntactic situation of the whole sentences. It was taken into account the problem of the historical context in which Deutero-Isaiah lived, worked and preached his message. This survey is designed to obtain a better understanding of the periscope, a more consistent translation and structure of the whole passage. The study undertakes an inquiry into the question of whether the eternal covenant in Isa. 55:1-7 is the continuation of the Sinaitic Covenant, or rather does its content go beyond the Mosaic Law, creating a totally new relationship of God with Israel. The study also draws attention to the existence of a redactional addition, which shifts the weight of the original message from a revanchist Judeocentrism toward the irenic ethnocentrism typical of the Book of Jonah
PL
Abstract: The article proposes a new translation and interpretation of the messianic prophecy in Isa. 55:1-7, whose vv. 3-5 are thoroughly analyzed. The analysis includes not only the meaning of the individual words, but also the syntactic situation of the whole sentences. It was taken into account the problem of the historical context in which Deutero-Isaiah lived, worked and preached his message. This survey is designed to obtain a better understanding of the periscope, a more consistent translation and structure of the whole passage. The study undertakes an inquiry into the question of whether the eternal covenant in Isa. 55:1-7 is the continuation of the Sinaitic Covenant, or rather does its content go beyond the Mosaic Law, creating a totally new relationship of God with Israel. The study also draws attention to the existence of a redactional addition, which shifts the weight of the original message from a revanchist Judeocentrism toward the irenic ethnocentrism typical of the Book of Jonah.      
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Artykuł dotyczy kwestii zdolności traktatowej państw zależnych, która była rozpatrywana w toku prac Komisji Prawa Międzynarodowego ONZ (KPM ONZ) dotyczących projektu konwencji o prawie traktatów. I choć współcześnie termin ten nie przystaje do społeczności międzynarodowej składającej się z państw suwerennych, to w czasach kiedy trwały prace przygotowawcze KPM ONZ, które rozpoczęły się w 1949 r. i trwały przez kolejne siedemnaście lat, pojęcie państw zależnych było powszechnie stosowane. Cóż, przynajmniej było tak na początku tego procesu. Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia zmiany regulacji dotyczącej zdolności traktatowej państw zależnych zawarte w projektach opracowywanych przez czterech kolejnych Sprawozdawców Komisji, którym powierzono zadanie przygotowania projektu konwencji o prawie traktatów. Kwestia ta była o tyle ważna, że niekiedy państwa zależne posiadały zdolność do samodzielnego zawierania traktatów, niezależnie od zdolności traktatowej państwa odpowiedzialnego za prowadzenie ich spraw zagranicznych. Omawiane zagadnienie wydaje się szczególnie interesujące w zestawieniu z postępującym w owych czasach procesem dekolonizacji, wspartym między innymi deklaracją Zgromadzenia Ogólnego Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych z 1960 r. o przyznaniu niezależności państwom i narodom kolonialnym (rezolucja 1514). Od tego czasu współistnienie równych i suwerennych państw (w tym powstałych w wyniku dekolonizacji) stanowi podstawę utrzymania pokoju i bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego pod nadzorem Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ. Pojęcie „państwa zależnego” musiało więc zostać ostatecznie odrzucone w projektach prac ILC. Komisja uznała, że państwa muszą legitymować się suwerennością i jako takie posiadają zdolność traktatową. Rozwiązanie to zostało następnie podtrzymane w lakonicznie ujętej dyspozycji art. 6 konwencji wiedeńskiej o prawie traktatów z 1969 r. (KPT), zgodnie z którym każde państwo ma zdolność do zawierania traktatów. Według KPT termin „państwo” w rozumieniu tej konwencji ma takie samo znaczenie, jak m.in. w Karcie Narodów Zjednoczonych, tj. jako państwo w rozumieniu prawa międzynarodowego, bądź też jako państwo w międzynarodowym znaczeniu tego pojęcia.
EN
The article focuses on treaty-making capacity of dependent states. Nowadays this term definitely looks inappropriate and awkward in modern international community consisting of sovereign states. However, as the preparatory works of International Law Commission (ILC) on the codification and progressive development of law of treaties, it had started in 1949 and lasted for another seventeen years, the notion of dependent states was at common use. Well, at least it used to be so at the beginning of this process. This paper presents changes in draft regulations on treaty-making capacity of dependent states prepared by each of the four successive Special Rapporteurs of ILC entrusted with task of preparing the draft convention on law of treaties. The issue was important as sometimes the dependent states possessed the treaty-making capacity of their own, irrespective of the treaty-making capacity of a state being responsible for the conduct of the dependent state’s foreign relations. This issue is especially interesting when we have in mind that the decolonization process grew at that time, supported inter alia by the 1960 United Nations General Assembly Declaration on granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples (Resolution 1514). Since then, the co-existence of equal and sovereign states (including those arose as a result of decolonization) is crucial basis of maintaining international peace and security under the supervision of UN Security Council. So, notion of “dependent state” had to be finally rejected in the draft works of the ILC as the Commission had decided that states might be only sovereign states and provided this condition is fulfilled, every state possesses a capacity to conclude treaties. This solution was later sustained in the art.6 of 1969 Vienna Convention on Law of Treaties (VCLT). According to the VCLT the term “state” for the purposes of that convention possesses the same meaning as i.a. in the Charter of the United Nations, that is a State for the purposes of international law, or a state in the international meaning of that term.
EN
In this paper I write about two counterculture utopias: the vision contained in the songs of Lennon's Imagine and an extremely extensive synthesis Jeremy Rifkin, in which mirror neurons and – based on them – empathy play a leading role. I start with a presentation and a comparative analysis of these utopias. The first can be seen as a version of "mini", other than as a version of "maxi" similar worldview. This worldview is a synthesis of the hippie counterculture and the "new left" and can be described as the ideology of "political correctness". In conclusion, I will add a few critical remarks. Above all, I pointed out the serious consequences of the vision of a united humanity, deprived of property, national states and institutional religion.
EN
The article tries to describe the theology of David’s testimony in Isaiah 55:3-5 in light of its historical background, to wit the last decade of the Babylonian exile, and in relation to the internal quandary of Judean Exiles. The study undertakes an inquiry into the question of whether the eternal covenant in Isaiah 55:3-5 is the continuation of the Sinaitic Covenant, or rather does its content go beyond the Mosaic Law, creating a totally new relationship of God with Israel. The study also draws attention to the existence of a redactional addition, which shifts the weight of the original message from a revanchist Judeo-centrism toward the irenic ethno-centrism typical of the Book of Jonah.
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