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EN
In the last quarter century, Poland has been one of the foremost beneficiaries of the post-Cold War international order, but its 30 years of uninterrupted development now seem to be drawing to an end. The disadvantageous and largely unpredictable changes in Poland’s internal and external environment impart special relevance to the question about the methods and means to ensure the security of the state in the years to come—security which until now seemed guaranteed. One way to achieve this is to conduct an effective alliance policy, understood as selecting allies and building relations with them is such a way that will add to the security of the state and discourage an enemy from open aggression. Hence the urgent need for Poland to formulate a more sophisticated alliance policy than the existing one. This concerns not so much the choice of allies (in this respect, the room for manoeuvre is relatively limited and the choices fairly obvious) as, first and foremost, the way it functions within existing alliances. The text outlines the determinants to which Poland’s alliance policy will be subjected in years to come and suggests how this policy should be shaped based on the author’s analysis of Poland’s security environment and its foreign policy as well as on his research into the phenomenon of alliances as such.
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Content available remote Litwa a Polska na przestrzeni wieków
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LT
Lietuvą ir Lenkiją per amžius siejo ir sieja ne tik geografinė kaimynystė, bet ir istorija, kultūra. Šios sąsajos buvo glaudesnės nei su kitais kaimynais. Eseistiniame straipsnyje bendrais bruožais aptariama tai, kas nuo XIII amžiaus iki XXI amžiaus pradžios šias dvi valstybes ir visuomenes jungė bei skyrė ir kodėl. Pirmiausia, atkreipiamas dėmesys į istorijos faktus, kurių dėka auga abiejų visuomenių tarpusavio pasitikėjimas, randasi tolerancija ir pagarba vienas kito tautiškumui, istorinei atminčiai, platėja galimybės tautinių mažumų apsaugai. Kartu minimi ir aiškinami tie abiejų šalių santykių raidos momentai, kurie istorijos eigoje turėjo, ir tebeturi tam tikrų negatyvių reikšmių.
EN
Lithuania and Poland have been connected through the centuries not only by their geography but also their history and culture; their mutual relations have been closer than their connections with other neighbours. This essay attempts to discuss in general terms what has joined these two states and societies together, and what separated them and for what reasons between the thirteenth and twenty first centuries. First of all attention is focussed on historical facts which led to the development of mutual trust between the two societies, on how tolerance and mutual respect grew with regard to their national identity and historical memory and what opportunities were gained for protecting national minorities. We also note and explain episodes in the development of relations between the two countries which have had, and continue to have a certain negative significance.
3
Content available Cechy i funkcje funduszy operacyjnych w Polsce
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EN
This article is devoted to issues of financial instruments, particularly hedge funds. The authors reconstruct the genesis of creation of these funds, their role and changes over the years. They describe the characteristics of hedge funds and the characteristics of the whole market of operational funds. In addition, authors describe the market of private equity / venture capital and its role in the Polish capital market. The paper describes the market of hedge funds, which role in the Polish capital market is of particular importance. The application of a strategy to secure investment in the short term, which is characterized by a high rate of return. In exchange for a fee for managing the capital entrusted, the investor is given the opportunity to maximize profits with low risk by eliminating the risk of price fluctuations. This strategy allows you to make a profit during both bull and bear market.
EN
The aim of this paper was to indicate on which stage of an economic development path is probably Poland. The subject of this paper was one of the economic development paths, named usually the investment development path, which model has been shaped mainly by J. H. Dunning and R. Narula. This model is also similar to the model of the economic development path proposed by M. Porter. Therefore, were discussed the changes in the main elements of this model, which took place in the Polish economy in 1995-2012. Those elements were the trade structure diveded by the degree of technological sophistication, direct investment and indicators of economic performance. In order to verify if in the case of Poland have been occurred economic dependences assumed by the representatives of this model also was carried out correlation and regression analysis. The results of the study suggest that Poland shifted to the third stage of analyzed economic development path where more emphasis is placed on innovations as the country moves toward producing more technology intensive products.
EN
The article refers to Polish membership in the European Union and the liberal perspective of its analysis. The paper discusses the shortages of the liberal approach. The article accepts the liberal thesis regarding the opportunities that the accession to the EU opens up for Polish development. It notes the significance of the European mechanisms of regional cooperation. Nevertheless, the paper emphasises that the liberal perspective ignores the inequalities of power in the European Union and misses some serious tendencies, both at the level of the community and in the domestic politics, that impede the state’s development. Thus, the article refers to the limited competitiveness of the Polish economy and the state’s difficulties with the identification of its interests in the dynamic and variable international environment. It warns against the marginalization of Poland as “semi-peripheral” member of the European Union. The main conclusion of the paper is that the case of Polish membership in the EU is too complicated to close it in the liberal frameworks. The liberal perspective needs a realist correction. It is extremely important in the context of the challenges that Poland faces together with the crisis of the European integration.
XX
In this paper, I examine differentiation, the policy approach implemented by “old” Member States of the European Union that are also members of the eurozone. The aim of the paper is twofold. First, it shows that while pro-integration attitudes are well-developed among the eurozone states, the policy model used (in the long run) comes at the expense of other states such as Poland. Second, it demonstrates that differentiation creates a serious impact both on Poland’s government policies with regard to its future membership in the eurozone and on Polish society, which is becoming less supportive of the changeover from zloty to euro. Thus, it is argued, that there is a strong relationship between the avidity of Poland to fulfil the convergence criteria and the external political conditions of membership in the eurozone.
9
Content available remote Polska polityka rozwoju społeczeństwa informacyjnego w latach 2000-2012
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EN
This article presents the history of the information society policy in Poland in the 21st century. The author presents the positions of the Polish government in this field, as well as identifies and describes the three main stages of this policy, which show a struggle to catch up with the highly developed countries. Special attention was given to the relation of the Polish policy with its equivalent on the European Union level. The policy is evaluated against the positions of Poland in the international rankings.
EN
The factual and technical foundations of the concept for the 1:50 000 topographic map published in Poland between 1995 and 2002 by the Head Office of Geodesy and Cartography are discussed in this article. While discussing content and graphic design, the author gives particular attention to the novel way of representing built-up areas.
EN
The article scrutinises the economic relations of Poland and Turkey, two growing emerging markets. It examines both the current level of economic trade, as well as the potential for enhancing the economic partnership in such areas as innovation, trade, energy, and cooperation in third markets. The article contends that the prospects for boosting economic cooperation are linked to political collaboration and are dependent upon geopolitical factors.
12
Content available remote Kreowanie wizerunku Polski jako celu podróży turystycznych
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EN
Building and maintaining a strong country brand brings positive effects to all sectors of the economy and is crucial for the enhancement of a country’s position in the global marketplace. Considering the global character of com¬petition, an attractive country brand should be able to attract foreign investment, business and skilful workforce as well as support exporters and promote state diplomacy. It must also promote the goals of the tourism industry and strengthen national identity and increase self respect. Since tourism contributes significantly to the economic and social development of a country, it is important to design and implement a strategy aimed at creating a country brand as a tourism destination, which should be integrated with other activities concerned with building a strong country image. In Poland, the Polish Tourist Organization conducts the activities directed at increasing the number of visitors coming to our country and stimulating tourist demand. The aim of the article is to analyze the process of developing an image of Poland as a tourist destination and evaluate the marketing strategy which have been implemented by the Polish Tourist Organization.
EN
The most difficult period that the Polish Autocephalous Church of the 2nd Polish Republic experienced was in 1938 when, by the decision of administrative authorities, over 127 sacral buildings in Khelm region and Podlachia were pulled down. The third transfer stage took place from 1937 to 1939 and, for the most part, took the form of demolishing Orthodox churches. (It should be noted that the demolition of Orthodox churches happened throughout the whole period of the existence of the Second Polish Republic.) The churches which were destroyed were those which were the symbols of the Russian Tsar’s reign. Over thirty Orthodox churches were destroyed, including the cathedral in Saski Square in Warsaw, the Sts. Cyril and Methodius cathedral in Khelm and the Resurrection cathedral in Bialystok. The demolition of these Orthodox churches – regarded as symbols of Russian rule – was spontaneous and often irrational. Nevertheless, it never happened on a massive scale. Only in 1938 did a programme of destroying Orthodox churches emerge as a distinct element of the Polonisation effort. This programme was initiated by the government itself. The official reason was that those churches were not needed, dilapidated, or had been built as a result of Russifi ation in the past. However, it appears that the reason was to weaken the Belarusian and Ukrainian national minority movement through closing parishes and active Orthodox churches. The “pacification: of parishes in 1937 started in the Lublin region. First, a kind of social movement for the “propagation of Polish values and traditions” was created by the polish local authority. Then the army and police persecuted the Orthodox Church and people in order to convert them to Roman Catholicism. The demolition of Orthodox churches was conducted from the second half of May until the first half of July 1938. The actions were taken up by the local administration and co-ordination committees with help from the army and police in a hostile, anti-Orthodox atmosphere. To this end, the government used youth, army sappers, worker brigades, and even prisoners. Administrative and material measures were used to pressure the Orthodox who were blackmailed and threatened while their churches, which often served thousands of faithful, were destroyed. In most cases, the Orthodox community made no attempt to actively resist the demolitions. They prayed and protested, but were unable to oppose such an officially organised action. The transfer and destruction of Orthodox Church property naturally weakened the position of the Orthodox Church for the campaign limited its priestly activities, in turn creating the very conditions for transfer, the main goal of the state’s policy. Many Orthodox faithful started attending Roman Catholic churches when they had no church or parish of their own. Nonetheless, the threat to the property of the Orthodox Church brought the faithful, clergy, and church hierarchy closer together. Anti-government and anti-Polish attitudes began to grow in the Orthodox community. The result may be seen in the Khelm, Podlachia, and Volhynia regions during the Second World War.
EN
If European politics is seen as an amusement park, Franco-Polish relations would be a roller coaster and a house of mirrors. Over the last three years, bilateral relations between Warsaw and Paris went from one of its highest to one of its lowest points in recent history. The causes and manifestations of the current tensions in diplomatic and political relations are well known. They should not, however, overshadow the substantive economic links and vibrant cultural ties between the two countries. Nor should they lead to discarding or underestimation of the potential that closer strategic and political relations could bear.
16
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EN
The problem of landscape evaluation for the bicycles road is not a new one from the point of view of landscape architects, yet, unfortunately, not taken under consideration by town planners responsible for realization of those plans. There are numerous methods of landscape evaluation and most of them are based on map backing which involves only two dimensions excluding the third oneheight, i.e. the one which is actually recognized by an average man staying inside the analised area. In this way the space surrounding us and its sequences remain disregarded. Therefore, there is a need to work out such a method of investigation which will satisfactorily include all three dimensions.
EN
The article, for example, the situation of education in Poland indicates contemporary educational problems of so many countries. the former Eastern bloc, the still strong tradition of transmission of knowledge in the learning process while the lack of sufficient concern for the students' thinking skills. The material contains a number of proposals favoring a gradual solution to this problem, including for example, the concept for the Education of the younger pupils of primary school.
EN
The interwar period (1918–1939) on the Polish publishing market, was the time of mingling of the advice books presenting a conservative and progressive attitude to upbringing. Both in the publications recommending traditional educational methods, based mainly on strict discipline, and in the guide books promoting upbringing which takes into account the individuality and distinct character of child’s psyche – apart from guidelines, advice and information – one could find numerous words of criticism pointed at parents. Around a hundred of educational handbooks were published in the period of the Second Republic of Poland. A part of them were translations of books originating from foreign, mainly German pedagogical literature. Their authors were most often educationists and doctors; quite many books were written by clergymen. Advice literature for parents from the interwar period represented very different types. The majority of books were written in the form of advice or warnings directed straight to parents; large group were publications in the form of short stories, in which various problems and the means of solving them were offered; still others had a form of letters or memories, or they were collections of loose remarks concerning care and upbringing. There were also publications in which several of the mentioned forms appeared simultaneously. A frequently used technique was drawing upon personal experience or one’s own pedagogical or medical practice. That was presumably supposed to lend credibility towards the author and establish trust towards the methods of conduct he/she recommended. The scope of issues touched upon by the then advice books was incredibly broad. The advice was related to the matters connected with everyday hygiene and nourishment of children as well as moral, religious and patriotic upbringing. Some of the books were devoted completely to the selected aspects of care and upbringing, other, in turn, formed a collection of advice from many fields. A simple, understandable language of the majority of publications may attest to a broad audiences whom the authors of advice books from the interwar period tried to reach with their remarks and counsel. The far greater part of books was meant for both parents, and only few indicated mothers as their exclusive addressee. Those were primarily the publications devoted to hygiene and nourishment of children as well as formation of their religious attitudes. What is interesting, the reproaches concerning committed mistakes were always pointed at mothers as the persons who were directly involved in and responsible for the upbringing process.
19
Content available Sto lat metody projektów w Polsce
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EN
A Hundred Years of the Project Method in PolandThe text presents the development of the project method in Polish education throughout the last century. The project method was introduced into Poland after regaining independence, and it was implemented during the inter-war period (1918–1939) in some schools, both in urban and rural environments. Nevertheless, the method was at that time treated as a pedagogical novelty andexperiment, rather than a natural part of school life. After 1945, education, like other aspects of socio-political life, was influenced by the communist propaganda, and the project method, supporting autonomy, democracy and empowerment, was not promoted as a valuable educational approach.After 1989, when progressive trends appeared in Polish schools, the project method gained some popularity but it was not until 2008 when it was granted national and formal recognition. Then, the new core curriculum was developed, and the project method became an obligatory part of school reality. The revival of the project method was connected with the alarming findings concerningsocial capital in Poland. In this situation, making students cooperate within projects seemed a remedy for the decreasing social capital. As the author points out, formal introduction of the method does not necessarily mean its effective accomplishment, which should be accompanied by spontaneity and authentic engagement. What is more, as the author shows, after decades of theabsence of this method in Poland, and the lack of the relevant socio-cultural background, teachers might find it difficult to implement a project so as to contribute to the increase of social capital. All these areas need further investigation. Nevertheless, the author hopes that the text will contribute tobetter understanding of contemporary challenges and opportunities related to the implementation of the idea of projects in Polish education.
PL
A Hundred Years of the Project Method in PolandThe text presents the development of the project method in Polish education throughout the last century. The project method was introduced into Poland after regaining independence, and it was implemented during the inter-war period (1918–1939) in some schools, both in urban and rural environments. Nevertheless, the method was at that time treated as a pedagogical novelty andexperiment, rather than a natural part of school life. After 1945, education, like other aspects ofsocio-political life, was influenced by the communist propaganda, and the project method, supporting autonomy, democracy and empowerment, was not promoted as a valuable educational approach. After 1989, when progressive trends appeared in Polish schools, the project method gained somepopularity but it was not until 2008 when it was granted national and formal recognition. Then, the new core curriculum was developed, and the project method became an obligatory part of school reality. The revival of the project method was connected with the alarming findings concerning social capital in Poland. In this situation, making students cooperate within projects seemed aremedy for the decreasing social capital. As the author points out, formal introduction of the method does not necessarily mean its effective accomplishment, which should be accompanied by spontaneity and authentic engagement. What is more, as the author shows, after decades of theabsence of this method in Poland, and the lack of the relevant socio-cultural background, teachers might find it difficult to implement a project so as to contribute to the increase of social capital. All these areas need further investigation. Nevertheless, the author hopes that the text will contribute tobetter understanding of contemporary challenges and opportunities related to the implementation of the idea of projects in Polish education.
EN
Since the baptism of Poland up to 1918, the social care of orphans was diversified. Until the annexations, the care of parentless children in the Polish territories had been environmental and stemmed from voluntary and charitable actions taken up mostly by the Church. The creation of children wards in hospitals and shelters, and the establishment of children’s households in Warsaw as a result of father G. Baudounin’s initiative, might be considered as prototype actions in the complete institutional care of orphaned children. However, during the time of annexations, the situation of orphans became significantly diversified because it depended on the invaders’ policy and the citizens’ activity. Thus, on the one hand, it was created by the occupying country, on the other, it was shaped by tradition. In the territories of each of the conquerors there were periods of liberalization of law, which rendered it possible, at least to some degree, to follow Polish concepts. These were mostly based on philanthropy, charity religious groups, associations and individuals. It needs to be stated that at the beginning of the 21st century, in all of the partitioned territories, the orphanages were governed by obsolete regulations although tried out in other countries. In each of the annexed parts of Poland, the educational and caring actions stemmed from the acquired legislative system. Under the Austrian occupation it was the commune that had the duty of taking care of the parentless children as it was stated in the act passed on 3rd December 1863. In the Prussian part of Poland, the commune’s duty of taking care of the orphans was stated in the act passed in July 1870. It is worth mentioning that the legislative in Prussia was very similar to the Austrian one. The only difference between them was their effectiveness – it was far more efficient in the Prussian province. Under the Russian invasion the regulations concerning the orphanages were quite different. Since the resolution from 1817, the public care of orphans relied on the good will of the society. It was not until the ruling from 1870 that the city councils of public philanthropy, supervising such institutions, were brought to life. At the turn of the 19th century in Poland, especially among social and educational activists, the problem of children’s care became more popular. The necessity of providing care through social actions based on the law was discerned. During World War I, the problem of orphanhood achieved a new dimension, the so-called war orphanhood. It was not effectively taken care of until the end of the war.
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