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EN
Abstract: The "Humanae Vitae" Encyclical lists abortion among illicit means of regulating birth. Since 1993 abortion has been legal in Poland only in three instances: when the pregnancy is a result of criminal offense, when it poses risk to the life and health of the mother and when there is high probability of fetal defects. Public opinion polls conducted since the 1990s show that while Poles are against abortion „on demand” (and against using abortion as a method of regulating birth), they are inclined to accept abortion in the cases in which it is permitted by law (especially when the pregnancy results from a criminal act or when it poses a risk to the life or health of the mother).
PL
Streszczenie: Encyklika Humanae vitae wśród niedozwolonych form ograniczania liczby potomstwa wymienia m. in. aborcję. Od 1993 roku w Polsce aborcja jest legalna wyłącznie w 3 sytuacjach: ciąży będącej wynikiem czynu zabronionego, zagrożenia życia i/lub zdrowia matki, dużego prawdopodobieństwa wady/choroby płodu. Badania opinii publicznej (od lat dziewięćdziesiątych do chwili obecnej) pokazują, że o ile Polacy przeciwni są powszechnej dostępności aborcji (traktowania jej jako narzędzia kształtowania liczby potomstwa), o tyle skłonni są akceptować aborcję w sytuacjach dopuszczanych przez prawo (zwłaszcza w przypadku czynu zabronionego i zagrożenia życia/zdrowia matki).
EN
The request of a group of Deputies concerned the assessment of the constitutionality of the provisions of the act, according to which the termination of pregnancy may be performed by a doctor in the event when prenatal tests or other medical conditions indicate a high probability of severe and irreversible fetal impairment or an incurable life-threatening disease; in this case, termination of pregnancy is permissible until the moment of fetus becoming able to live independently outside of the pregnant woman’s body. In the position of the Sejm, it was requested that this provision be declared inconsistent with Article 38 of the Constitution in connection with the principle of specificity of legal provisions, derived from Article 2, Article 30, Article 31 para 3 and Article 32 para 1 of the Constitution.
EN
The initial section of the article elaborates on diverse attitudes towards abortion, and specifies the number of abortions performed before and after the fall of the Soviet Union. The following section presents spatial characteristic of the performed abortions against the largest Russian administrative units. Regional conditioning has been analysed based on the number of abortions per 100 labours and number of abortions among women in labour age (between 15 and 49 years of age). The article also discusses the activity of non-governmental women organisations which aim at providing medical information and participate in the family planning initiatives. Finally, the article presents the rules and conditions of allowing to perform abortion and significant changes in Russian legislation on that issue.
EN
The article presents the case of Dr. Aleck Bourne, which the author proposes to include in the catalog of borderline cases constituting the basis for in-depth discussions on ethical and legal aspects of human life with regard to the development of biology and medicine. The starting point is the presentation of the worldwide models for regulating the practice of abortion as well as the Polish regulation, together with a discussion on the role of the Constitutional Tribunal in shaping current legal provisions. The author notes that the interpretation of the right to life adopted by the Tribunal encourages the repeal of the indication model and the introduction of a complete ban on abortion, which will have significant consequences for ordinary legislation. Apart from describing the facts in the Bourne case, the strategy adopted by the defense and the sentence itself, the possible further areas of considerations regarding the limits of permissibility of termination of pregnancy have been signaled. Then, the conclusions resulting from legal analysis of the case were transferred to the exegesis of the constitutional principles of the right to life and the right to healthcare. Their constitutional form, interpretation resulting from the rulings of the Constitutional Tribunal and the ordinary legislation have been presented. The author indicates the main terminological deficiencies identified in this respect: the lack of any definition of the beginning of a human being, the existence of two separate criteria for determining death, which could lead to different results and the lack of an unambiguous definition of disease adopted by the legislator. Based on the concepts presented in the case, the right to healthcare has been defined as a legal right resulting from the right to life. The final thesis is that there are no grounds for hierarchizing these rights, as they are intertwined in content and function.
EN
The article discusses the literary representations of the experience of unwanted pregnancy and abortion in new women’s prose. The author of the article refers to the novels published between 2003 and 2016. He considers the previously conducted research on the same subject (especially that of Agnieszka Mrozik). However, he concentrates mainly on the prose created in the last few years. He is above all interested in changes regarding the problem of unwanted pregnancy and abortion that occurred after 1989. When writing about this aspect of female experience has appeared in new prose, it is usually about the past and used to question the morality of the Polish People’s Republic. Recently the problem of unwanted pregnancy seems to be non­‑existent as all issues pertaining to maternity are solved in a similar way: despite initial hesitations the heroines of the novels decide to have babies and never regret their choice. In this context Aleksandra Zielińska’s novel Przypadek Alicji (The case of Alice) seems to be especially interesting. Considerations concerning this novel appear in the final part of the article.
6
Content available remote Pojem osoby v diskusi o etice potratů
94%
EN
Much of the recent debate over the moral permissibility of abortion focuses on the question of whether the foetus is or is not a person, i.e. the only entity endowed with moral rights including the right to life. The article traces this line of thought in several key figures in the debate (Thomson, Tooley, Warren and Brody). However, I consider this way of argumentation as both inappropriate and misleading; in the second half of the article I offer arguments against using the concept of person in this debate.
EN
The article deals with the problem of abortion. The authors consider the related medical, social and legal responsibility in Russia. Despite a decrease in the number of performed abortions, as it is noted in the “Concept of the state family policy in Russia till 2025”, interruption of pregnancy is one of the factors which influence the birth rate and reproductive health of women in a negative way. Analyses of the main Russian legal acts show directions of the state policy aiming at increasing the birth rate and strengthening the institution of family. Russia is one of the countries, where abortion is legally performed not only upon medical and social indications, but also at the request from a pregnant woman, irrespective of indications. Abortion is carried out at the following pregnancy lengths: at the request of the woman – until the 12th week, due to social indications – until the 22nd week, and in the presence of medical indications and consent of the woman – irrespective of the length of pregnancy. Illegal carrying out artificial interruption of pregnancy entails administrative or criminal liability. The term “abortion” functions in the medical and legal understanding. From the legal point of view “abortion” is equal to “artificial interruption of pregnancy” and is characterized by complete removal of the fetus from uterus with the use of medications or by means of a surgical intervention. There is a necessity of emergence of administrative responsibility for violation of requirements of the legislation in the sphere of health protection when carrying out artificial interruption of pregnancy. However, to increase the birth rate and strengthen the Russian family, it is necessary to consider extensive legislative experience of the pre-revolutionary and Soviet periods. The authors support the view that medical, criminal and legal means should be used to protect human life from the moment of conception and that the idea of protecting human life should be instilled more firmly in Russian society’s consciousness.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy problemu aborcji i odpowiedzialności medycznej, socjalnej i prawnej w społeczeństwie rosyjskim. Pomimo spadku liczby aborcji, jak zauważono w „Koncepcji państwowej polityki rodzinnej w Rosji do 2025 roku”, przerwanie ciąży jest jednym z czynników negatywnie wpływających na wskaźnik urodzeń i poziom zdrowia reprodukcyjnego kobiet. Analiza głównych rosyjskich aktów prawnych w tej dziedzinie pokazuje kierunki działalności społeczeństwa i politykę państwa na rzecz zwiększenia liczby urodzeń oraz wzmocnienia instytucji rodziny. Rosja jest jednym z krajów, w których aborcja nie jest zakazana nie tylko ze względu na wskazania medyczne i społeczne, ale całkowicie zależy od woli i decyzji kobiety w ciąży. Aborcja jest przeprowadzana: na wniosek kobiety – do 12 tygodnia, w zależności od wskazań socjalno-społecznych – do 22 tygodnia i w zależności od wskazań medycznych i decyzji kobiety – w każdym terminie ciąży. Nielegalne przeprowadzenie sztucznego przerwania ciąży wiąże się z odpowiedzialnością administracyjną lub karną. Definicja „aborcji” może występować w rozumieniu medycznym i prawnym. Z prawnego punktu widzenia „aborcja” równa się „sztucznemu przerywaniu ciąży” i jest to całkowite usunięcie płodu przy pomocy leków lub metodą zabiegu chirurgicznego. Należy wprowadzić odpowiedzialność administracyjną za naruszenie wymagań ustawodawstwa w dziedzinie ochrony zdrowia podczas wykonywania sztucznego przerwania ciąży, jednak dla zwiększenia przyrostu naturalnego i wzmocnienia instytucji rodziny, konieczne jest rozważenie bogatego doświadczenia w tej dziedzinie w różnych okresach rozwoju kraju. Autorzy wspierają stanowisko, które powinno być realizowane w uzupełnieniu ochrony medycznej, prawnej i karnej ludzkiego życia od momentu poczęcia.
EN
Gestational trophoblastic neoplasia may develop after a molar, term, ectopic pregnancy, or an abortion. The diagnosis of gestational trophoblastic neoplasia can be made solely based on changes in human chorionic gonadotropin levels without pathologic confirmation. It is important to distinguish molar pregnancy from that disease, as treatment for these entities differs. However, gestational trophoblastic neoplasia developing after a term or ectopic pregnancy, or an abortion may be difficult to diagnose, because there is no tissue confirmation. In such cases, the time between a previous pregnancy event and the current event, and an inconsistency between very high levels of human chorionic gonadotropin and the size of lesions in the uterine cavity may be warning signs of gestational trophoblastic neoplasia. The role of curettage in the treatment of the disease is limited. We present a case of gestational trophoblastic neoplasia that developed after an abortion, serving as a reminder illustration that gestational trophoblastic neoplasia can develop not only after molar pregnancies, but also after other pregnancy events.
EN
The object of this paper is to provide an opinion on the regulation of conscience clause in relation to doctors, nurses and pharmacists under Italian law. The opinion was based on the legislative texts available on the websites of the Italian government and the Ministry of Health. Conscience clause is governed by Article 9 of Legge 22 maggio 1978, Norme per la tutela sociale della maternità e sull’interruzione volontaria della gravidanza (Legge 194/1978), under which a doctor or nurse may re‑ 194/1978), under which a doctor or nurse may refuse to provide and participate in carrying out abortions, should they submit a statement – subject to Article 5(3). Conscience clause is governed by Article 16 of Legge 19 febbraio 2004, n.40 standard in materia di procreazione medicalmente assistita (Law 40/2004), under which a doctor or nurse may refuse to participate in medical procedures and assisted conception treatments.
EN
This article aims to analyze the approach of Polish parliamentary parties to the anti-abortion legislation in 1991-2019 on the level of their ideological programmes. Classification of political parties concerning their ideological families has been proposed. Next, the article presents a typology based on the party’s attitude to the discussed problem, distinguishing the following categories of parties: the proponents of apportioning, the opponents of abortion, heterogeneous parties, and parties that do not express an opinion on this issue.
EN
In the light of the Encyclical Evangelium Vitae (point 73), abortion is a crime no human law can accept. As the direct murder of innocent beings (Evangelium Vitae point 72), abortion is not limited to the relationship between God and the sinner. With far reaching, dramatic social eff ects, it is always an external act demanding a proper response from the state. John Paul II regretted that, in collective consciousness, the abortive assassinations of life lose the character of ‟crime” and paradoxically gainthe status of ‟law,” to the extent that they are demanded to recognize their full legitimacy by the state and then perform them free of charge by health workforce (Evangelium Vitae point 11). Although abortion is often a dramatic and painful experience for the mother, as it may be entangled in the desire to save other important values, John Paul II emphasized that all these and similar arguments, however serious and dramatic, can never justify intentional deprivation of an innocent life. (Evangelium Vitae,point 58). Therefore, the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith emphasizes that in case of terminating a pregnancy, resignation from punishing seems to mean that the legislature no longer considers abortion a crime against human life, since murder is always punishable. The implementation of these obvious general principles takes place in the legal order of about 150 countries of the world, including the criminal lawof the Vatican City State, which (regardless of the excommunication latae sententiae in spiritual order) provides for the criminal responsibility of every deliberate perpetrator of abortion killing a child. The criminal liability of the mother for this act has not been abolished also in the great penal law reforms carried out for the pontifi cates of Benedict XVI and Francis. Although the legislation of most other states treats mothersequally with other abortion accomplices, the authors of the ‟Stop Abortion” project have envisaged the full possibility of the court canceling the penalty against the mother, without any condition being imposed by the court, i.e. according to the project notimposing the penalty could take.
PL
Tekst przybliża prace nad projektem ustawy będącym przedmiotem obywatelskiej inicjatywy ustawodawczej Stop Aborcji w 2016 r. jak również jej przebieg. Prezentuje jednocześnie prawne i etyczne racje, dla których projektowi nadano taki a nie inny kształt. Nie bez znaczenia w tym kontekście był fakt, że w świetle encykliki Evangelium vitae (pkt 73), aborcja jest zbrodnią, której żadna ludzka ustawa nie może uznać za dopuszczalną. Jako bezpośrednie zabójstwo niewinnych istot (Evangelium vitae pkt 72), aborcja nie ogranicza się do relacji między Bogiem a grzesznikiem. Mając daleko idące, dramatyczne skutki społeczne, pozostaje zawsze czynem zewnętrznym domagającym się stosownej reakcji ze strony państwa. Jan Paweł II ubolewał, że w świadomości zbiorowej aborcyjne zamachy na życie tracą stopniowo charakter „przestępstwa” i w paradoksalny sposób zyskują status „prawa”, do tego stopnia, że żąda się uznania ich pełnej legalności przez państwo, a następnie wykonywania ich bezpłatnie przez pracowników służby zdrowia (Evangelium vitae pkt 11). Chociaż więc aborcja często jest dla matki przeżyciem dramatycznym i bolesnym bo może być uwikłana w chęć ratowania innych ważnych dóbr, to Jan Paweł II podkreślał, że wszystkie te i tym podobne racje, jakkolwiek poważne i dramatyczne, nigdy nie mogą usprawiedliwić umyślnego pozbawienia życia niewinnej istoty ludzkiej (Evangelium vitae pkt 58). Dlatego też Kongregacja Nauki Wiary podkreśla, że w przypadku przerywania ciąży sama rezygnacja z karania wydaje się przynajmniej oznaczać, że prawodawca nie uważa już przerywania ciąży za przestępstwo przeciw życiu ludzkiemu, gdyż zabójstwo zawsze spotyka się z karą. Realizacja tych oczywistych zasad ogólnych ma miejsce w porządku prawnym około 150 państw świata, w tym w prawie karnym Państwa Watykańskiego, które (niezależnie od ekskomuniki latae sententiae w porządku duchowym) przewiduje odpowiedzialność karną każdego umyślnego sprawcy aborcyjnego zabicia dziecka. Chociaż ustawodawstwo większości innych państw traktuje matki na równi z innymi współsprawcami aborcji, autorzy obywatelskiego projektu „Stop Aborcji” przewidzieli niczym nieograniczoną możliwość odstąpienia przez sąd od kary wobec matki, bez konieczności wykazywania szczególnych okoliczności.
Logos i Ethos
|
2020
|
tom 53
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nr 1
179-193
EN
Some laws cannot yet be entirely abrogated in a current political situation, though permitting grave injustices against some individuals; for example, unborn and/or disabled individuals. In supporting the passing of new ‘imperfect’ laws that protect only some of those who now lack protection, do we ourselves discriminate unjustly against those remaining unprotected? Or does that depend on factors such as our intentions – including what we intend that others intend? How may we collaborate with colleagues who intend, and perhaps explicitly defend, the continuation of remaining, closely-related injustices, although they are willing to join us in trying to improve some aspects of the status quo? This paper explores the moral constraints on our attempts to extend the law’s protection to some, but not to all, of those individuals currently deprived of such protection and at risk of serious harm.
EN
In a globalized world in which different cultures and religions intermingle and live in close proximity to one another, there are hardly any truly mono-religious states any more. At the same time mainstream politics has become significantly secularized in most of Europe. This has implications for the way the role of religiously motivated values are perceived in the context of making and interpreting legal rules. Seen from a specifically Catholic perspective, this article investigates whether it is morally licit to import (religiously motivated moral) values into law. Looking at the moral fundament of the European Convention of Human Rights and at the issue of the right to life of unborn children, the relationship between justice and faith is investigated.
EN
The paper discusses some questions arising on the margins of the article Does Polish law guarantee the conscience clause for physicians? by Father Andrzej Szostek. The author of the paper indicates essential doubts as to the scope of the validity of norms and their limiting clauses even if these norms and clauses are formulated very generally. These doubts concern, in particular, the method of establishing operational definitions for notions that come here into play.
Society Register
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2020
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tom 4
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nr 1
85-100
EN
A restrictive anti-abortion law is in force in Poland. However, many people terminate pregnancy in cases other than those specified in the Act. Public discourse on this subject is dominated by philosophical and legal issues, and it lacks the voices of those who terminated the pregnancy. Abortion is often presented as a sad necessity, as always difficult or traumatic. I conducted research on describing own abortion experiences by people from Facebook pro-choice groups. 99 respondents who had 102 abortions completed an anonymous online questionnaire. From the material of answers, I selected categories that were used to analyze the results of the study: positive emotions, negative emotions, pregnancy as a burden, good experience, difficulty experience, stigmatization, support. It turned out that the experiences of termination of pregnancy were diverse. Respondents, describing their experiences, discussed topics rarely present in the discourse, such as the fact that abortion can be a good experience.
17
Content available remote Attitudes towards life and death in Europe: a comparative analysis
83%
EN
Fundamental aspects of human existence such as birth and death are at the core of our values and profoundly sensitive to our religious beliefs, our ideals as a society, and our opinions on the extent to which individuals may interfere in these basic life issues. This article analyses the factors that explain people's attitudes towards key beginning- and end-of-life issues. To do this, we first tracked variations across two points in time, and then looked at the effects of value orientations and socio-demographic factors in comparative perspective across countries. Based on previous literature, we consider justification for euthanasia, abortion, and in vitro fertilisation as a latent variable using European Value Study data from the 2008 and 2017 waves. Five European societies were analysed: Spain, Germany, the Netherlands, the Czech Republic, and Russia. All the countries observed showed growing levels of justification for these practices, although significant differences were found in the value orientation effects and respondents´ background variables on attitudes towards life and death issues. In order to properly address comparability, multi-group confirmatory factor analyses across countries and across waves were conducted, and measurement invariance tested. From our analyses, we can conclude that age and religiosity, alongside other sociodemographic variables, are important explanatory factors in the justification of life and death issues in all the countries examined; however, value orientations show less conclusive effects on such attitudes.
EN
common risk factors for high risk pregnancies and spontaneous or therapeutic abortions. Objectives. To investigate the legal abortion caused by heart disease, blood disorders, diabetes and hypertension as referred to forensic medicine centers in Fars Province from 2007 to 2013. Material and methods. In a retrospective, cross-sectional study, samples consisted of all documents of people referred to forensic medicine centers in Shiraz since 2007 to 2013, comprising of 1664 files. Data collection tools included a demographic forum and the checklist of abortion causes. SPSS.16.0 was applied to analyze the data through descriptive statistical analysis. Results. The most frequent age group was 25–29 years at 31.5% (n = 522) and the lowest was over 40 years old at 4.15% (n = 70). The statistical report of the reasons for legal abortion permission were 19% (n = 63), 24.4% (n = 81), 10.54% (n = 35), and 8.13% (n = 27) due to heart problems, blood disorders, hypertension, and diabetes mellitus, respectively. Most frequent legal abortion permits by forensic medicine due to maternal causes were between the years of 2011–2012 at 17.8–28% (n = 59–93). The relationship between legal abortion permission at The Forensic Medicine Center at different years and maternal ages was statistically significant (p < 0.00001). Conclusions. The most common prevalent reason of abortion was Blood Disorder – 81 patients (24.4%) and heart disease – 63 cases (19%). It is essential that family education and prevention of repeated pregnancies be done with high-risk women. Also, initiation of pregnancy care at lower gestational age in identifying risky pregnancies and timely control of complications must also be undertaken
19
83%
EN
The development of biomedical sciences and techniques, despite the undeniable positives, brings with it new threats, also for human rights and democratic society. The most serious concern is possibility of modification of the biological nature of human beings –which might entail limitations of human freedom. The modification of the human genome, brain and mind control, mechanization of human body, creating digital copies of human beings are now the most widely discussed threats , for human rights and the rule of law. Aside to the mentioned risks directly related to the development of biomedical technologies, the subject of much controversy is the relationships between the beneficiaries of progress in biomedicine (patients), and those who provide defined benefit plans (primarily physicians). The question is whether the physician is obliged to provide every medical service or may refuse to provide those which are opposed to his ethical judgements? The problem of the status of conscientious objection arises in above mentioned context. This paper presents the issue of conscientious objection from the perspective of the Council of Europe regulations.
EN
The Polish term spędzenie płodu (forced miscarriage), used in interwar Poland, meant an intentional termination of pregnancy, now referred to as abortion. Miscarriage was considered an abortion if it was purposely induced by an external factor leading to a preterm delivery, so-called artificial miscarriage, which was carried out with the woman’s consent and resulted in foetal death. The offence of forced miscarriage was regarded as related to murder of a person, so abortion regulations fell in the category of provisions concerning crimes against life. Conditions for the permissibility of terminating a pregnancy were not stipulated in the Russian penal legislation governing this criminal act, which was in force in interwar Poland; instead, the Tagancev Code applied by reference. The Polish Penal Code of 1932 went a step further as it took into account not only the state of absolute necessity, but also health issues in a wider context, which was confirmed by legal scholars in their commentaries. The protection of the mother’s life and health was not associated with the phase of foetal and pregnancy development, because the legislator did not determine the time limit for terminating pregnancy. It was assumed that forced miscarriage could apply to a newly born baby before it was detached from the mother’s organism – a baby that was unable to live independently. In this article, the legal-historical method was used to present a criminal-law analysis of the crime of forced miscarriage in the former Russian Partition, considering the rulings in such cases handed down in the Suwałki District. In the literature of the subject to date, no such a study can be found, which justifies this inquiry.
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