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Presented study deals with parliamentary diplomacy within the Slovak Republic. First part of study defines the task of the National Council of the Slovak Republic and its country’s foreign policy representatives. Further the study explains the term of parliamentary diplomacy, its structural system and also its pros and cons. Practical part of the study is focused on parliamentary diplomacy during the first independent year of the Slovak Republic. Throughout the qualitative analysis of official archive documents the study summarizes, categorizes and analyses the most important foreign policy activities of the Parliament’s representatives within the first year of independence. That year was significant as the country entered international area. The National Council of the Slovak Republic played a key role in this process.
Urban and rural environments are often perceived as different social worlds with their own economic, social and cultural relations. One of the encounters of such worlds would then be a suburbanization process that turns the countryside into the hinterland of our cities. In this paper, we will focus on changes in the political behaviour of the population in connection with this process, in which not only the physical environment of the conurbations is transformed, but also the social and cultural characteristics of the local population significantly change. Using the data from the elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic in the years 1998 – 2016, we will mainly monitor changes in support of the urban parties, which to a certain extent reflect the changing social structure in this area. Although the paper deals with only one specific aspect of suburbanization, we believe that understanding and interpreting changes in electoral behaviour is part of the mosaic of complex social and cultural transformation of the urban hinterland.
The author refers to the development of the political scene since 1989 to these days. Regular rotation of coherent poliltical partes in theNational Council has not been apparent in individual electoral terms; many of them have even shown signs of fragmentation. In the current electoral term the left-wing party is homogenous, while the righ-wing parties are fragmented. The author refers to problems of the electoral sytem, which does not guarantee an adequate representation of candidates from different regions in the electorial district. He recommends considering the adoption of a mixed electoral system or the establishment of the second, regional chamber of parliament. He refers also to the functioning of the political system in democratic foreign countries, taking into account the classification of democratic regimes, which are applied in conditions of competitive democracy or its antipole - consociational democracy. Further, the author addresses the issue of weakness in the legal regulation of referendum in terms of its legal effects, participation of interst groups in the law-making and participation of citizens in elections and makes suggestions for treatment of de lege ferenda.
The Constitution of the Slovak Republic distinguishes among the constitution, its amendments and constitutional laws. The change in the constitution is made by means of constitutional laws. In specialized literature the question has risen whether the distinction between the constitution and constitutional laws does not imply the hierarchic relationship between the said types of legal regulations. Some authors have deducted from it different legal consequences for the applicability of the constitutional law, where the constitution is not changed directly by its amendment, but indirectly through an alone-standing constitutional law. The author of this article rejects this view, particularly with regard to the need to draw a distinction between legal norms at the level of the Constitutional Code and their formal expression through the constitutional law. He also points out to the defectiveness of the legal opinion that derives the hierarchic relationship referred to above from Article 152 (4) of the Constitution. On the contrary, the article deals with negative trends from the view of the recent practice of the National Council, consisting in the adoption of constitutional laws regulating in detail the partial areas of the law, which leads to the circumvention of the rules of protection of the fundamental rights and freedoms guaranteed by the constitution against their infringement on the part of the public authorities. Together with adoption of ad hoc constitutional laws, the author regards the said phenomena as unacceptable interventions into the Constitutional Order.
The Treaty of Lisbon for the first time specifically solves the withdrawal of a Member State from the European Union. The actual withdrawal under the Art 50 of the Treaty on European Union adjusts the proceedings on the level of the European Union, but also assumes the prevent approval of the decision on withdrawal from the European Union on the level of the Member State. The Treaty on European Union presupposes the existence of national constitutional requirements for this process. In the present paper are therefore outlined the basic constitutional context of national decisions about the withdrawal of the Member State from the European Union and are outlined possible solutions in the Slovak Republic.
The paper analyzes the status of the Parliament in connection with the examination of the existence or absence of its obligation to adopt the law in situations that are analyzed in this paper. It is a question of obligations of the Parliament to adopt laws, if based on a valid referendum give citizens order to the Parliament for the adoption of such legislation, which reflect the results of a valid referendum into a law. Furthermore, it is effect of so called positive commitment of State which, under the authors‘ opinion in a material Rule of Law constitutes an obligation of the Parliament to adopt a law whether laws that would fill and guarantee constitutional rights and freedoms which, by their nature require an adjustment in the form of law. Finally, it is the adoption of laws as a result of implementation of legally binding acts of the European Union. Despite of the absence of constitutional sanctions for the fulfillment of the obligation of the Parliament to adopt the law, the authors express their opinion that in these cases arises for the Parliament the obligation to adopt the law. For a valid referendum at the same time the authors suggest the possible constitutional sanction, namely the dissolution of the Parliament.
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