Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

FEATURES AND CONSEQUENCES OF LUSTRATION PROCESSES IN THE VISEGRAD GROUP COUNTRIES

100%

Antonyuk N.

Annales Scientia Politica

|

2023

|

tom 12

|

nr 1

5-17

EN

The study systematised the preconditions, reasons, peculiarities, procedural aspects, legislative outline, and consequences of lustration processes in the Visegrad Group Countries, namely Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic. At the same time, the author based their work on the assumption that lustration – or purge of the officials – was one of the main prerequisites for legitimising political power as a result of the collapse of “old” autocratic communist regimes and the beginning of democratisation and consolidation of the countries of this region. In other words, the study was mainly aimed at clarifying the content and functions, legislative outline and regulation, practices and effects of lustration processes in post-autocratic and democratising political regimes of the Visegrad Group Countries. To do this, the meaning of the concept of “lustration” and the state of the study and understanding of its procedural manifestations and expected effects in the Visegrad Group Countries were first outlined. After that, the author studied and structured the political, legal, and institutional causes, the nature and types of lustration processes in the Visegrad Group Countries. Finally, a comparative analysis (in the format of individual case studies and regional comparisons) of logic, content, and practical implementation of lustration acts, processes and procedures in the analysed Visegrad Group Countries was carried out. As a result, it was concluded that lustration – at least symbolically and ideologically – was indeed a successful mechanism for legitimising a more successful transition from the previous or “old” autocratic regime to the new democratic political regime in the region. After all, a qualitative theorisation of the phenomenon, essence, and components of lustration processes was performed in the Visegrad Group Countries, and the region itself is now quite often held up as an example to other states in this context. However, in general, the practice of lustration in the region has shown that after the symbolic legitimisation of “new” government, in almost all Visegrad Group Countries lustration started to become less effective and increasingly manipulative and artificial.

2

Československá diplomacie v únoru a březnu 1948. Příspěvek k mezinárodním aspektům komunistického převratu a k destrukci česko-slovenských demokratických elit stalinistickým režimem

100%

Dejmek J.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

|

2010

|

tom 108

|

nr 1

70-113

EN

This study deals with the structure and changes in Czechoslovak diplomacy at the time of the Communist coup d'etat and shortly thereafter. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia to which only a small minority of civil servants declared their allegiance prior to February 1948, succeeded in gaining control of the Ministry without any difficulties as early as the very beginning of the putsch. However, a number of Czechoslovak Ambassadors in Western countries, among others those in the USA, France, Canada and the Latin American countries stood against the new power. The attempt of the permanent delegate at the UN, Jan Papanek to persuade the UN Security Council to consider the international aspects of the putsch was the most significant contribution. Even though he was immediately denounced by the new Communist Government, he helped to raise an awareness in the West of the real circumstances of the coup d'etat.

3

SPOTREBA A VÝSKUM REÁLNE EXISTUJÚCEHO SOCIALISMU

100%

Búriková Z.

Etnologické rozpravy (Ethnological Disputes)

|

2006

|

tom 13

|

nr 2

81-91

EN

The aim of this paper is to emphasize the necessity of examining consumption for understanding of the actually existing socialism in Slovakia. The authoress intends to show that consumption was crucial for both socialist political economy and mundane life despite the fact that the communist ideology privileged the production and redistribution. In particular, consumption was an important medium where the citizens' attitudes towards the communist regime were both created and expressed. The communist party used an increase in a consumption and in fulfilling the basic needs of the citizens for the legitimization of their power. Simultaneously, the consumption became a space for the resistance against the communist regime and one of the causes of its fall.

4

NEBYLA TO JENOM PRAHA – PODÍL OBYVATEL ČESKÝCH A SLOVENSKÝCH MĚST A REGIONŮ NA PÁDU KOMUNISTICKÉHO REŽIMU

100%

Valeš L.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

|

2018

|

tom 66

|

nr 1

133 – 158

EN

The aim of this study is to prove that while Prague was an important centre of anti-regime activities, there was just as strong opposition also outside the capital city. Originally it was mostly apolitical. People “only” wanted to live freely and carry on their own activities – organize themselves, develop their own artistic activities, protect the environment or practice their religion. However, this already brought them into political conflict with the regime, which paradoxically prepared its own opposition. The role of the non-Prague dissidents and their activities was fundamental not only before November 1989 in the process of eroding communist rule, but also for the success of the November revolution as such. If there had been support for the regime outside Prague, the Velvet Revolution might have turned out entirely differently.

5

DŮSLEDKY ZÁSAHŮ KOMUNISTICKÉHO REŽIMU DO VÝVOJE ROMSKÝCH SKUPIN V ČSSR (1958 – 1969)

100%

Pavelčíková N.

Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied

|

2013

|

tom 16

|

nr 4

-

EN

Historical development of the Roma population affected Czechoslovakia in the years of the communist regime interventions, leading to its urbanization. Representatives of the Communist regime prohibited by law No. 74/58 the free movement of Roma groups, especially nomadic. Following reform of the state administration meant the collapse of plans for the definitive establishment of the Roma population. In 1965, the government attempted destruction of Roma settlements and "unwanted sites focus" in Czechoslovakia. In 1968 it was conducted the first attempt of the emancipation of the Roma minority.

6

OPERATION OF UNDERGROUND INDEPENDENCE ORGANIZATIONS ON THE AREA OF PILA AND THE PILA-TRZCIANKA DISTRICT IN 1945-1956 (Dzialalnosc podziemnych organizacji niepodleglosciowych na obszarze Pily i powiatu pilsko-trzcianeckiego w latach 1945-1956)

88%

Kolasa R.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2010

|

nr 3(336)

167-177

EN

The article presents the post-war experiences of underground resistance groups fighting against the new authorities in power. The author recounts the history of eight local secret organizations and the people who formed them, their methods of operation and the goals they set themselves, until their elimination or self-dissolution. The author's intention was also to redeem from oblivion scarcely known facts that occurred on the so-called Reclaimed Territories (Pila-Trzcianka) during the formation of the communist regime. The article is based on archival materials produced by the Security Apparatus of the Polish People's Republic and stored in the collections of the Institute for National Remembrance, Poznan branch, as well as on recollections and oral accounts of the members of these formations.

7

OKRES NA JIHU. SONDA DO PRÁCE OKRESNÍCH CÍRKEVNÍCH TAJEMNÍKŮ VE SVĚTLE ARCHIVNÍCH DOKUMENTŮ JIHOČESKÉHO REGIONU

88%

Weis M.

Studia theologica

|

2011

|

tom 13

|

nr 3

87-102

EN

The study elaborates on the relationship between the government and churches during the times of communist civil rights suppression. Since numerous articles have been written about repressive elements of the state and about the lives of party leaders and churches, this study aims to touch on this topic from a regional perspective. Researching by means of a probe into South Bohemian archive documents, the study describes both job descriptions of township church secretaries and the success in doing so, possibly even their will to fulfill their goals. The study provides illustrations both from the evaluation of these state employees (made by their supervisors or by the Czech communist government) and from their, often vain, complaints for greater material or party support.

8

SEBAKRITICKÝ KOMUNISTA RÓBERT ROŠKO

88%

Kmeť N.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

|

2022

|

tom 70

|

nr 1

153 – 171

EN

Róbert Roško was one of those Central European intellectuals who spent most of their active lives under the communist regime. In his youth, he believed in the proclaimed communist ideal, that is, in the Stalinist version of Marxism-Leninism. Unlike M. Šimečka, Z. Mlynář, J. Jablonický, M. Kusý and many others, who gradually became marginalized after 1970 and turned into dissidents, with some even going into exile in later years, R. Roško remained in the party even following party purges. Like others in his field, he gradually developed into a sociologist through philosophy. He is usually ranked among the third generation of sociologists, who aided the establishment of this major social science discipline. In spite of various obstacles and ideological pressures, he was still able to help keep sociology a relatively separate discipline. He welcomed and supported the easing of political and social tension both in 1968 and in the late 1980s and continued to address the issue of the communist regime even after 1990. In his view, one of the reasons behind the failure of the communist experiment was the implementation of this political and economic system in a feudal country, which then transitioned “from backward feudalism to post-feudal modernism.” After 1989, he himself joined the ranks of the losers, who, in his view, included the masses from the former Soviet bloc countries, because the “defeat far exceeded that of an individual.”

9

MINISTR ZAHRANIČNÍCH VĚCÍ VLADIMIR CLEMENTIS, JEHO ÚŘAD A JEHO DIPLOMATÉ (PŘÍSPĚVEK K PROBLÉMU FORMOVÁNÍ DIPLOMACIE KOMUNISTICKÉHO ČESKOSLOVENSKA V LETECH 1948 – 1949)

88%

Dejmek J.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

|

2010

|

tom 58

|

nr 3

497-531

EN

The study is concerned with the activities of Vladimir Clementis (1901-1952) in directing the diplomacy of Czechoslovakia, especially in the role of minister of foreign affairs in the period 1948-1950. Clementis, leftist intellectual and 'undogmatic' communist as a head of Prague diplomacy, after the communist coup of February 1948, still attempted to achieve some degree of autonomy in the foreign policy of people's democratic Czechoslovakia. However, the growing Cold War between the Soviet Union and the West reduced the space for such a policy almost to zero. The views of Moscow became the deciding factor for the diplomatic activity of Czechoslovakia. The majority of specific steps, including the appointment of personnel to the Prague diplomatic apparatus, were not decided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but by the apparatus of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. In February 1949, Clementis was forced to introduce a radical reorganization of his office according to the model of the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which gave the Prague foreign ministry roughly the organizational structure. In relation to the overall development of world politics, Clementis had to give up most of his more independent positions. However, pressure from the 'Stalinists' led by V. Siroky, led him being deprived of his post in March 1950 and replaced by Siroky himself. Clementis was fallen victim to the fabricated political trial in 1952.

10

SCHOLARSHIP AND POWER: “RESEARCH OF THE UKRAINIAN ETHNIC GROUP” – AN ACADEMIC PROJECT IN SLOVAKIA UNDER THE COMMUNIST REGIME

88%

Kiliánová G.

Slovenský národopis (Slovak Ethnology)

|

2019

|

tom 67

|

nr 4

441 – 462

EN

This paper considers the relations between political power and scholarly activity during the period of the communist regime in Slovakia, then part of Czechoslovakia. Taking the example of a research project on the Ukrainian minority, undertaken by the Slovak Academy of Sciences during the years 1954–70, the paper traces the relationships between scholars and politicians and among academic institutions in the Czech lands and Slovakia, and the interventions by political power in academic work. The author focuses on the following questions: how did the project originate, and what were its aims and results? In what political, economic and social context did scholars undertake the project? How did the power relations between scholars and politicians develop and change in the course of the project? Why did political power intervene in research of the Ukrainian ethnic group? The paper draws upon M. Foucault’s views on the exercise of power, develops questions of the legitimacy of power (R. Barker), conceives scholarly work as an activity of a certain kind (P. Rabinow), and concentrates on the actors in power relationships, their strategies and motivations. Empirical data for the answer to research questions were acquired from archival documents about the project and from interviews with scholars who had participated in its work. The findings from analyses show what the specific possibilities and limits were for scholars functioning in the respective network of power relationships. They furthermore reveal a gamut of successful or unsuccessful strategies which scholars employed to bring about changes in the processes of the exercise of power.

11

POLITICKÁ HISTÓRIA A SPOLOČNOSŤ PO ROKU 1989

88%

Kmeť N.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

|

2015

|

tom 8

|

nr 2

5 – 21

EN

All communities largely care about their own political history, as this is a part of their common identity. It is natural for politicians and political parties to seek legitimacy for their own power and political position in historical events, regardless of whether they identify with the Right or with the Left. Societies usually recall events inspiring pride and conjuring up memories of the struggles for freedom. After1989, as a result of the change of the social and political situation, post-communist countries began to put a very strong emphasis on political history. Politicians have utilised legislation to push for a binding political interpretation of history ever since the collapse of communist regimes, which has naturally generated conflicts in a democratic system, particularly among social scientists and diverse segments of civil society, who often present the views of a particular political line. Proclamation of a new beginning once again became the most acceptable solution, acknowledged by the absolute majority of society. Dealing with the past is never a purely individual problem; it is always a collective issue, for the history of an individual coincides with the history of a collective and vice versa. There will be always a dispute about whether individual or collective dealing with the past are sufficient and whether institutionalization of the problem and the adopted legislation are able to adequately reflect the real attitude of society towards totalitarian regimes.

12

Komunistické hodnocení kněží v jižních Čechách

75%

Malý R.

Studia theologica

|

2008

|

tom 10

|

nr 4

94-99

EN

During the fight against the Catholic Church at the end of the forties and beginning of the fifties the communists first applied the policy of 'Divide et impera!' They tried to divide the priests into two groups: 'the reactionists' and 'the progressives'. They victimized the former by arresting, withdrawing the so called state approval for their profession and by transferring them and they promoted the latter. At the end of the fifties and beginning of the sixties they focused themselves on a massive atheistic campaign and they pressured the population 'to deal with the religious issue'. In this phase of their fight against the Church they did not even trust 'the progressives' anymore who served the regime. The materials from the Regional archive in Cesky Krumlov represent an evidence for these events.

13

MOCENSKÝ ZÁSAH PROTI STRANE SLOBODY V ROKU 1956, PRÍPAD VINCENT POKOJNÝ A SPOL.

75%

Pešek J.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

|

2010

|

tom 58

|

nr 4

685-698

EN

The Freedom Party (Strana slobody) was one of the two satellite parties, which existed in Slovakia after the year 1948. It had no political influence and was forced to operate as a 'party of activists' with a minimal membership base. Part of its leadership, headed by its chairman Vincent Pokojny, a member of the National Assembly, strove to activate the party and widen its membership base in the mid fifties. Another part of the leadership, represented by the general secretary Frantisek Stefanik, disagreed with this and denounced Pokojny and his associates to the leadership of the Communist Party of Slovakia, especially Karol Bacilka and Pavol David. In 1955 Stefanik gave them some programme documents formulating the approach of the Freedom Party in the event of the collapse of the communist regime in Czechoslovakia. At the beginning of 1956, Pokojny was forced to give up his seat in the National Assembly. The State Security Service detained him and accused him of preparing a counter revolution and the restoration of capitalism in Czechoslovakia. In July 1956, the members of Pokojny's group were convicted in a show trial and given long prison sentences. The longest - 11 years - was given to Pokojny himself. The sentences were reduced after an appeal in September 1956, but remained unjustifiably harsh and unjust. This was also a 'warning' to the other satellite political parties not to attempt any activation.

14

ATTEMPT TO CONSTRUCT A MARXIST MASTER NARRATIVE IN THE PERIOD 1948 – 1955

75%

Hudek A.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

|

2008

|

tom 56

|

nr suppl. issue

111 – 131

EN

The study is concerned with the development of Slovak historical science in the period 1948 – 1955. Its institutional and personal development is analysed, together with the methods of control and direction by the communist regime. The main interest is devoted to the problems of applying Marxism to Slovak historiography. The second part of the study consists of an outline of the way Marxist historiography interpreted and evaluated the key periods of Slovak history. Attention is devoted also to the formation of the Marxist periodization of Slovak history. The result was a framework for the Slovak Marxist national story, used in later synthetic works.

15

Przystosowanie i opór żeńskich zgromadzeń zakonnych wobec władz komunistycznych w Polsce. Zarys problemu

38%

Mirek A.

Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego

|

2012

|

tom 15

217-233

EN

From 1944 when Poland was under the communism rule two kind of attitudes existed in polish society – adaptation and resistance. Affirmation, adjustment, resistance and opposition – those attitudes were appearing at the same time and were related to each other. Anti-communist resistance in People’s Republic of Poland applied to every class and group of society. The resistance was especially directed into a restrict feature limiting a freedom to profess religion, damaging a value of national tradition or limiting a freedom to speech and beliefs. In August 1949 “ A decree of protection of freedom of conscience and denomination” was issued. Technically this document, was meant to create a lawful guarantee of freedom of denominations in Poland. In reality some of the regulations were used by the different authorities to both make Church’s life more difficult and to repress clergy and secular people. The Catholics in Poland were treated as a second category citizens ( limited with their capability to get promotion, even if they kept a loyal attitudes) but nuns were treated even worst as a third category citizens, being continuously pushing to the dregs of social live, without not only any chance to get promotion but also without the fundamental rights and freedom guarantee to every Poles by the Constitution. In further perspective the communist government planned to gradually limited congregations work, created closed enclaves and aimed to completely liquidate nuns work. The right person for the Church happened to be a cardinal Stefan Wyszyński a Primate of Poland. Thanks to an inflexible attitudes of cardinal Wyszyński and his Non possumus the authorities were unable to fulfill the program of “loyality” in Catholic Church in Poland. The Primate tried to show nuns a new perspective of work and was looking for methods to defend and kept monastic life in Poland. The Episcopal was protecting monastic live. It was aware that battle with religious orders was a part of a main repertoire among most of the regime which at any time undertake a battle with Church. The history of People’s Republic of Poland might be describe as a process of struggle between the authorities and society where both sides were changing under influence of this struggle.

PL

W okresie reżimu komunistycznego w Polsce we wszystkich praktycznie obszarach życia istniały dwie postawy społeczne: przystosowanie i opór. Zewnętrznym przejawom przystosowania, towarzyszyło zachowanie suwerenności wewnętrznej i zdolności do stawiania oporu, przynajmniej wobec niektórych cech systemu czy kierunku działania władz. Antykomunistyczny opór dotyczył wszystkich warstw i grup społecznych. Podejmowany był nie tylko przez zbrojne podziemie ale także przez znaczną część polskiego społeczeństwa. Był ukierunkowany przede wszystkim na kwestie wolności wyznawania religii, naruszania wartości tradycji narodowej, czy wobec ograniczania wolności przekonań i wypowiedzi. Walka z zakonami należała do głównych celów większości reżimów, które kiedykolwiek walczyły z Kościołem. Katolicy byli traktowani jako obywatele drugiej kategorii, zakonnice natomiast jak obywatele trzeciej kategorii, nieustannie spychane na margines życia społecznego, pozbawiane nie tylko możliwości awansu społecznego, ale przede wszystkim podstawowych praw i swobód obywatelskich gwarantowanych przez Konstytucję. Systematycznie pozbawiano siostry prowadzenia działalności apostolskiej i swobodnego podejmowania pracy zawodowej, odmawiano możliwości zdobycia wykształcenia, korzystania z świadczeń socjalnych takich jak ochrona zdrowia, ubezpieczenia społeczne czy świadczenia emerytalne, instrumentalnie wykorzystywano przepisy podatkowe. Planowa ateizacja dotknęła wszystkie obszary działalności wspólnot zakonnych. Przyjmowała ona charakter rozwiązań instytucjonalno-prawnych. Walka z działalnością zakonów dokonywana była „w majestacie prawa”. W okresie od 1949 do 1967 zlikwidowano ponad 80 szkół zakonnych, 263 domy dziecka, 680 przedszkoli, 73 świetlice, 46 żłobków. Z 276 szpitali, w których siostry pracowały do roku 1967 zostały tylko w 93. Szpitale zakonne upaństwowiono. W celu skutecznej obrony zakonów, z inicjatywy Prymasa Wyszyńskiego zapoczątkowano instytucjonalne formy współpracy zgromadzeń zakonnych. Narzędziem represyjnej polityki państwa, prowadzonej w stosunku do zgromadzeń zakonnych była Ustawa o przejęciu „dóbr martwej ręki” z 20 marca 1950 r. mająca na celu ograniczenie bazy materialnej zakonów, wprowadziła stan prawny, w którym zgromadzenia zakonne traciły własne ziemie i gospodarstwa, będące podstawą utrzymania wielu wspólnot zakonnych, a zwłaszcza nowicjatów i domów formacyjnych. Afirmacja, przystosowanie, opór, opozycyjność – wszystkie te postawy występowały jednocześnie i we wzajemnym powiązaniu. Zakonnice, tak jak całe społeczeństwo, zmuszone do milczenia i respektowania narzuconych reguł, przystosowały się do nich, jednocześnie broniły pewnego zakresu autonomii i próbowały ją poszerzać. Dzieje PRL można przedstawić jako proces zmagania się między aparatem władzy a społeczeństwem, w którym to zmaganiu zmieniają się obie strony.