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The Calvinist Church was not dominant in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, hence it did not receive endowments from monarchs. Ministers, congregation schools and cultural life had to be financed by members of the Church, especially magnates (whose number among the Calvinists was decreasing with time), gentry and burghers. The article discusses the issue of forms, value and circumstances of the legacies that were recorded in the documents of the Lithuanian Brethren synods from 1611-1640. The analysis includes the social status and gender of the legators. The beginning of the period analyzed is marked with the oldest surviving protocols, while its end is the death of Krzysztof Radziwiłł, the main patron of Lithuanian Calvinists. The Calvinist Church in Lithuania was a legal entity, therefore legators could transfer the ownership of the property to the Bretheren, which strengthened their financial position. In spite of that, if patrons of Calvinism converted to Catholicism (which occurred more and more frequently with time), there were problems with keeping the property that had earlier been donated by themselves or by their ancestors. In this situation an important role was played by the actor of the Lithuanian congregations, who represented the Brethren in court and took care of their financial position. One of his duties was to execute legacies, since not all of them were swiftly passed to the Brethren. When the protocol was drawn up only 40% of legacies were in fact in possession of the Brethren; the other 60% had to be executed. The legacies registered in the documents of the provincial synods of the Lithuanian Brethren include money (152) and non-cash legacies (67); the latter category includes founding churches and their endowments, land, buildings, silver, book collections and various immovables. 162 legacies were left by men, 48 by women and 11 were collective. 80% of the legacies came from gentry, while 14% from burghers. There were 7 legacies left by clergymen and 11 collective ones, in which the donors could have been both noblemen and burghers. The total value of cash legacies in the years 1611-1641 was 57 689.5 Polish zloties; the amounts left ranged from 3 to even 4000 zloties. On the average, 5 cash legacies were recorded yearly, the average sum of the legacy being c. 400 zloties (assuming that the average salary of a clergymen was c. 50 zloties per annum, such a legacy could have sufficed for 8 years). Most of such legacies were left by gentry. Not all the legacies were mentioned in the synod documents with a specified sum, which influenced the calculations presented in the article. Still, congregation actors knew the sums, since those appeared in testament copies, in donation or foundation documents, and in congregation or district registers (this last type of source, however, is rarely available with regard to the period in question). The article presents only an outline of issues connected with legacies left to the Calvinist Church by its members in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It is necessary to continue research on this topic, taking into account data from other types of sources preserved in the archives of the Lithuanian Brethren, without which it is impossible to determine the financial position of this religious community.
In connection with analysis of the entry of the Slovak Republic (SR) into the war against the USSR as an ally of Nazi Germany, some documents from the German Foreign Office are already known. They enable us to trace German ideas about the role of the SR in the war, as well as the degree of willingness of the Slovak government to participate in the attack. However, military documents, especially reports of the German Military Mission in Slovakia and the German military attaché in Bratislava, are also important for analysis of the position of the Slovak army in the first days of the war. Information about the ideas of the Wehrmacht in connection with use of the Slovak army and the territory of the SR in the war can be found in them. They also enable us to trace the reactions of the Slovak side. The authors present a total of 18 German documents of political and military origin. The published texts shed light on the question of to what degree the military participation of Slovakia in the aggression was enforced and to what degree it was an expression of the initiative of the Slovak side. Analysis of the documents clearly shows that, from the German point of view, the entry of Slovakia into the war occurred without complications. The initiative of the Slovak side is stated in various declarations. This can be traced in the case of the prime minister V. Tuka in relation to the act of Slovakia entering the war, but also in the decision making about the character of the participation of the Slovak army in the campaign from the side of its leadership headed by the minister of national defence and first class general Ferdinand Catlos. Paradoxically, according to German military sources, the exaggerated Slovak activity in the area of deployment of Slovak units threatened the productivity of armaments companies working for the Reich.
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