Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Transatlantic Relations in the Peak of the Cold War (1945-1956)

100%

Matera P. , Matera R.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2004

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nr 15

203-232

EN

The Second World War has brought fundamental changes to the structure of world political powers and in sphere of influences. The 'anti-Nazi' coalition was led by the 'Big Three': United States of America, which in 1941 gave up its isolation doctrine, Soviet Union, totalitarian state, and Great Britain, the representative of the democratic traditions of old Europe. With the approaching end of the military struggle with the Nazis one could notice different opinions of the Big Three confining the future of the world order. In author's opinion the most important issues, which created the post-war political order in Europe were: the future of Germany, relations with Central and Eastern Europe and relations with the Soviet Union. The latter was the key to the global politics. Stalin's policy to promote the communist parties in Europe, which gained much support, took part in after-war democratic elections, and joined some government coalitions, brought a fear that Russians would be a key-player in Western Europe. In August 1949 Soviet Union presented the world its own atomic bomb, which ended the American supremacy in nuclear armament. The Cold War created such milestones in the international politics as NATO, Warsaw Pact and European Economic Community.

2

Polish-Dutch Relations During the Cold War. Seen from The Hague

100%

Zelichowski R.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2004

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nr 15

233-260

EN

The Polish-Dutch relations have been shaped by the course of the international politics in Europe. After a period of rebuilding of the diplomatic structure in The Hague came a period of organization of permanent diplomatic services. The services were aimed not only at relations between the two respective governments but also at the thousands of Poles which lived here before the war or stayed in Holland with the 1st Armored Division of general Stanislaw Maczek when the war was over. The relations between official representatives of People's Republic of Poland and Poles were bad. The Cold War had victims on all fronts. Poles were afraid to return to communist Poland and had to decide to pick the land to begin the new life in. Some of them immigrated to the U.S., some went to Australia, Brazil, France and Germany to work in the coalmines. The official reports from the Polish embassy in The Hague show the feeling of isolation not only from the Polish emigrants but also from the Dutch political elites. The low-key relations, which fluctuated with the political atmosphere in Europe, were eased and normalized in 1971 with the new liberal communist leaders in Poland as a result of the official visit of J.M. Luns, the Dutch minister of International Affairs, to Warsaw. This new era in Polish-Dutch relations has ended in December 1981.

3

Americko-sovětské vztahy na jaře 1948 očima československého diplomata Josefa Hanče

80%

Dejmek J.

Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)

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2009

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tom 34

167-202

EN

At the beginning of May 1948 US-ambassador in USSR W. B. Smith conveyed to chief of Soviet diplomacy V. Molotov a memorandum about American reservations concerning contemporary Soviet Policy. This action not only evokes a political replay from J. V. Stalin, but arouses a big interest from Leadership of Czechoslovak communist government in development of American-Soviet Relations. At the Initiative from Prague the Czechoslovak charge d´affaires in Washington Josef Hanc had written a series of eight memoranda, where he analyzed actual state of relations between USA and USSR. The texts of these memoranda are published as an annex to this article. In his documents Hanc concluded, that American diplomacy does not aspire to some solutions of basic problems between both states, but only to troubleshooting of some partial problems. It has been the last attempt at some objective analysis of relationship between the super-powers at the beginning of Cold War from Czechoslovak view.

4

Unwilling Immigrants: Transnational Identities of East Central European Exiles During the Cold War

80%

Mazurkiewicz A.

Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny

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2015

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tom 41

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nr 4 (158)

159–171

EN

While many definitions of “political exile” exist across disciplines, they tend to focus on three areas: the social and psychological experience of exiles before leaving their homeland, the causes, motivations, means of departure, and the adjustment, assimilation of exiles in the country of asylum. None of these address the question of what the exiles actually do abroad politically in an attempt to return to their home country. My research begins where these assumptions stop. In my paper I define a political exile as a person compelled to leave his homeland whose material and psychological status is a dynamic one. Furthermore, a political exile wishes to contribute to the host society, share his assets (knowledge, skills) in exchange for support of his cause. A political exile is engaged in a collective project usually originating in the homeland which is realized in the host country, unwaveringly determined to return. “Unwilling” to fully assimilate, a political exile claims legitimacy in representing his compatriots abroad while adaptation and integration with the host society are in progress. I propose that the legacy of the political exile activities in the West during the Cold War be considered in the context in which they were created: being influenced by transnational and multiethnic spaces. Formed, pressed and spelled out in the conditions that are multifaceted, rather than simply transmitted from the pre-Soviet traditions, or resulting from the contacts with the “captive” compatriots.

5

STIL UND BEDEUTUNG: ÜBER KONKURRIERENDE RENAISSANCEMODELLE IN DER POLARISIERTEN WELT DES KALTEN KRIEGES

80%

Kodres K.

ARS

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2015

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tom 48

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nr 2

118 – 135

EN

The main subject of this article is the texts of Soviet (and Soviet Estonian) art historians to Renaissance art at the time of Stalin to the thaw period - the period of the Cold War in the years 1945 - the 1965. They are compared with the texts that have been published on the opposite side of the iron curtain. The renaissance art history of both ideological camps had many similarities, because the treatise framework has been formed by the artistic discourse developing in the West since the 19th century.

6

Ściganie i karanie sprawców gwałtu i przemocy seksualnej podczas konfliktów zbrojnych po zakończeniu zimnej wojny

80%

Domagała A.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

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2011

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tom 12

209-226

EN

The paper explores changing attitude of the international society to war rape and other sexual violence that took place in the armed conflicts after the end of the Cold War. The evolution from shameful misprision to dynamic efforts aiming at penalization of the crime of sexual violence is marked, firstly, by the statutes of the international tribunals (two ad hoc and one permanent) and, secondly, by judgments of these criminal courts. The crucial documents of tribunals (e.g.of cases Furundžija, Akayesu, Kunarac) constituted milestones on the way to punishing perpetrators of abhorrent sexual crimes. They reflect the process of preparing or even creating international law terms and instruments that have been necessary to prosecute and punish rapists and other violators. The effects are inter alia a progressive definition of rape, determination to prosecute perpetrators of the most massive and systematic crimes and recognising (under specific circumstances) sexual crime as crimes against humanity and genocide.

7

The Silent War between the Superpowers. Foreign Policy of the United States and the Soviet Union in the Mediterranean at the 1980s

80%

Rafal W.

Ad Americam

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2011

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tom 12

141-148

EN

The Mediterranean was a main region in the policy of the United States and the Soviet Union in the 1980s. This part of the world was one of the most important areas of rivalry during the Cold War after 1945. At that time it was the most militarized region in the world. In the postwar world, despite rapid advances in all types of communication, the Mediterranean retained its importance as a unique strategic maritime passageway because of the continuity of naval routes, air routes and strategic directions which largely coincide with the strategies of bloc activity. This article describes the presence of the naval forces of the USA and the USSR in the basin of the Mediterranean, the diplomatic and military rivalry between these superpowers and the implications of this competition for international relations at the end of the Cold War.

8

Československo-francouzské vztahy na počátku studené války: Francouzské diplomatické zastoupení v Československu v letech 1948–1956

80%

Motejlkova L.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2008

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tom 16

251-290

EN

The diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and France saw a dramatic decline after February 1948. The involvement of several French diplomats in the preparation of escape of J. Sramek and F. Hala impaired the mutual relations of both countries already in spring 1948. The people's democratic Czechoslovakia, whose foreign policy was now controlled from Moscow, systematically reduced the diplomatic representation of capitalist states in its territory. In 1951, after a secret police intervention, the French consulate in Bratislava was closed, and in a couple of weeks only the embassy in either country's capital remained, dealing with the most urgent matters only. The main focus of mutual relations moved over to the unofficial level of contacts between the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and the Communist Party of France. Starting from 1954, Czechoslovakia restored the official contacts with the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the rapprochement efforts culminated with a 1956 agreement on exchange of parliament delegations. Further development of mutual relations, however, was interrupted by the events taking place in Hungary and Egypt in autumn 1956. As a result, the relations just restored declined and reached the freezing point again.

9

RADIO FREE EUROPE AS A PART OF CENTRAL EUROPEAN POLITICAL MIGRATION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE COLD WAR

80%

Vajda B.

Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied

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2022

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tom 25

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nr 1

-

EN

Looking at events from the perspective of the “official” US Government during the specific historical “era of imperial rivalry” – it seems that the US recognized the political potential of Central European refugees, who made a very remarkable contribution to keeping the ideological Cold War alive. The present study focuses on the issue of how the US Government looked at and treated Central (or East) European political emigres during the Cold War period. Looking through historical glasses at these processes, we can identify a gradually declining influence of Central European emigres in the West and in especially in the USA. With the passing of time, Central European emigres gradually lost their political bases first at home (in their respective home countries) then in their “shelter“ countries.

10

CHOSEN EXAMPLES OF USSR SECRET SERVICE ACTIVITIES IN AFRICA DURING COLD WAR PERIOD (Wybrane przyklady aktywnosci sluzb specjalnych ZSRR w Afryce w epoce zimnej wojny)

80%

Al-Temimi D.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

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2010

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nr 2

175-192

EN

The following article discusses chosen examples of Soviet intelligence activities on the African continent during Cold War. It contains events in Angola, Ghana, Egypt, Ethiopia, Somalia and Mozambique. The author presented interference of the Soviet Committee for State Security (KGB) and allied intelligence services in internal and foreign policy of these states.

11

Działalność wywiadowcza Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki w dobie pozimnowojennej

80%

Furgacz P.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2010

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nr 2(14)

175-196

EN

In recent years a growing intelligence activity of the People’s Republic of China has been observed by U.S. counterintelligence services. The increasing expansion of Chinese intelligence in the United States of America is a serious threat to American national security. Chinese espionage on U.S. territory is so common and so intensive that it became a topic of national debate. A real breakthrough in perceiving this threat was issuing the so -called Cox report which took place during Bill Clinton’s second term. The conclusions of the report were alarming, to put it mildly. The article shortly presents the crucial theses of the Cox report and controversies regarding its conclusions. Moreover, it raises the question of cyberespionage and cyberwarfare – a kind of Chinese intelligence activity that is very troublesome to various U.S. institutions. The highly computerized and informatized United States seem to be extraordinarily vulnerable to acts of cyberterrorism and cyberespionage. It is a real Achilles’ heel of the USA. Apart from that, the article enumerates and describes the most characteristic features of Chinese spying activities in the USA. The presidency of George W. Bush witnessed further intensification of unfriendly activities of Chinese spies. It was reflected by many well -known cases of Chinese spies identified and arrested by U.S. counterintelligence institutions and then found guilty by U.S. courts. Several examples of such cases are presented in the article as well as the spheres and fields that are especially susceptible to Chinese intelligence penetration.

12

ČESKOSLOVENSKÁ VOJENSKÁ ROZVIEDKA A POTENCIÁLNY VOJNOVÝ KONFLIKT MEDZI „VÝCHODOM“ A „ZÁPADOM“. 1. ČASŤ

80%

Púčik M.

Vojenská história

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2019

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tom 23

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nr 2

61 - 92

EN

The study addresses the specific topic of the Military Intelligence of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic (Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Czechoslovak People´s Army - ČSĽA) during the so called Cold War. It focuses on each capabilities of the Military Intelligence built in the context of the tasks performed by the ČSĽA within the Warsaw Pact. Emphasis is put on the intelligence reconnaissance on operational level, intelligence reconnaissance on strategic level and their task in the individual areas of interests. These were located within a predictable area of a future war conflict. The study also focuses on the building of intelligence networks, legal and illegal residencies, the recruitment of assets, the building of contingency wartime intelligence networks, the deployment of reconnaissance assets against central and auxiliary objects of interests in the zone of frontline operations of the ČSĽA, the training of contingency assets units and the exploitation of illegal border crossings to the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) and Austria for assets’ training. The emphasis of the study lies on the preparation of the Military Intelligence for a potential war conflict with a presumed adversary - NATO.

13

ČESKOSLOVENSKÁ VOJENSKÁ ROZVIEDKA A POTENCIÁLNY VOJNOVÝ KONFLIKT MEDZI „VÝCHODOM“ A „ZÁPADOM“. 2. ČASŤ

70%

Púčik M.

Vojenská história

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2019

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tom 23

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nr 3

92 - 131

EN

The study addresses the specific topic of the Military Intelligence of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic (Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Czechoslovak People´s Army - ČSĽA) during the so called Cold War (time span 1960 - 1989). It focuses on each capabilities of the Military Intelligence built in the context of the tasks performed by the ČSĽA within the Warsaw Pact. Emphasis is put on the intelligence reconnaissance on operational level, intelligence reconnaissance on strategic level and their task in the individual areas of interests. These were located within a predictable area of a future war conflict. The study also focuses on the building of intelligence networks, legal and illegal residencies, the recruitment of assets, the building of contingency wartime intelligence networks, the deployment of reconnaissance assets against central and auxiliary objects of interests in the zone of frontline operations of the ČSĽA, the training of contingency assets units and the exploitation of illegal border crossings to the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) and Austria for assets’ training. The emphasis of the study lies on the preparation of the Military Intelligence for a potential war conflict with a presumed adversary - NATO.

14

MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS VLADIMIR CLEMENTIS, HIS OFFICE AND HIS DIPLOMATS (A CONTRIBUTION TO THE PROBLEM OF FORMATION OF THE DIPLOMACY OF COMMUNIST CZECHOSLOVAKIA IN THE PERIOD 1948-1949) (Slovak title below)

70%

Dejmek J.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

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2010

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tom 58

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nr 3

497-531

EN

(Slovak title: Ministr zahranicnich veci Vladimir Clementis, jeho urad a jeho diplomate (Prispevek k problemu formovani diplomacie komunistickeho Ceskoslovenska v letech 1948 - 1949)). The study is concerned with the activities of Vladimir Clementis (1901-1952) in directing the diplomacy of Czechoslovakia, especially in the role of minister of foreign affairs in the period 1948-1950. Clementis, leftist intellectual and 'undogmatic' communist as a head of Prague diplomacy, after the communist coup of February 1948, still attempted to achieve some degree of autonomy in the foreign policy of people's democratic Czechoslovakia. However, the growing Cold War between the Soviet Union and the West reduced the space for such a policy almost to zero. The views of Moscow became the deciding factor for the diplomatic activity of Czechoslovakia. The majority of specific steps, including the appointment of personnel to the Prague diplomatic apparatus, were not decided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but by the apparatus of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. In February 1949, Clementis was forced to introduce a radical reorganization of his office according to the model of the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which gave the Prague foreign ministry roughly the organizational structure. In relation to the overall development of world politics, Clementis had to give up most of his more independent positions. However, pressure from the 'Stalinists' led by V. Siroky, led him being deprived of his post in March 1950 and replaced by Siroky himself. Clementis was fallen victim to the fabricated political trial in 1952.

15

PŘÍSTUP ČESKOSLOVENSKÉ DIPLOMACIE K IZRAELI V LETECH 1960–1967

70%

Taterová E.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

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2018

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tom 66

|

nr 4

671 - 700

EN

The article aims to describe the mutual political and diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and the State of Israel in 1960–1967. The period of the 1960s in Czechoslovakia was characterized by a partial liberalization and relaxation of the communist regime in various areas such as politics, economy and culture and so on. This process culminated in the well-known Prague Spring of 1967–1968. By using concrete examples, the author explains whether these changes were reflected by Czechoslovak diplomacy in its attitude towards Israel in any way. Special attention is given to Czechoslovak views on Adolf Eichmann’s trial in Jerusalem in 1962, and to the events of the Six Days War in 1967 that led to the official dissolution of Czechoslovak-Israeli diplomatic relations.

16

EMIGRÁCIA Z ČESKOSLOVENSKA V OBDOBÍ STUDENEJ VOJNY V MODELI PUSH A PULL FAKTOROV

70%

Štefančík R.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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2015

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tom 8

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nr 1

31 – 48

EN

The author deals with the issue of emigration from a non-democratic in undemocratic states on the example of emigration from the former Czechoslovakia to West. The emigration during Cold War is analysed as a kind of individual choice of a not only rational actor, but also non-rational, who have to manage many obstacles to escape. This means that the emigration of Slovak and Czech refugees cannot be explained only by classical economic theories. For this reason the author is using push and pull paradigm as a suitable model. In contrast to classical theories by using this paradigm it will be explained the reasons of emigration, but there are also included physical, legislative and bureaucratic obstacles, as well as individual factors of emigrants.

17

The Rhetoric of Peace during the Cold War

70%

Rzepecka M.

Ad Americam

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2010

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tom 11

99-106

EN

In the 1970s, the United States and the Soviet Union launched a new course in their contacts called 'détente'. One of the main reasons for this remarkable turnabout was a radical change of views of the two countries' leaders. President Nixon and General Secretary Brezhnev openly expressed their readiness and willingness to overcome ideological barriers to build and keep permanent peace. The aim of this paper is to illustrate the two leaders' views by analyzing two speeches, one made by Nixon during his visit to the Soviet Union in 1972 and the other made by Brezhnev during his stay in the United States in 1973. Examination of their rhetorical strategies - such as choice of words, arguments, and emphasis - reveals how Nixon and Brezhnev understood peace and how they aimed to achieve it. Confronting the two leaders' goals with the actual outcomes of their actions, and taking the significance of political changes as a yardstick of fulfilled declarations, it can be demonstrated whether Nixon and Brezhnev truly desired to achieve enduring peace or whether they used peace rhetoric as a tool to weaken each other's vigilance and take the lead in the Cold War race.

18

U.S. Diplomacy and the Brazilian Coup d'état of 1964

70%

Fatalski M.

Ad Americam

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2011

|

tom 12

53-62

EN

Brazil has always remained on the list of priorities of the United States policy towards Latin America. The size of this country, its demographic potential, natural resources and political ambitions caused Washington to observed the foreign policy and domestic affairs of Brazil with utmost concern during the Cold War period. The Cuban revolution radically bolstered anticommunist fears, which influenced the policy of the U.S. in the region. The administration of John Kennedy worked out a new policy in Latin America based on an assumption that repressions are an inefficient tool in the war against the communist danger. The U.S.A. offered its Latin American partners the Alliance for Progress, which was an unprecedented program of economic aid. The aim of the new policy was not only the economic advancement of Latin America but also its democratization. However, the political reality unveiled the weaknesses of this plan. Washington did not accept radical politicians as heads of the states if their programs and policies did not guarantee maintenance of ties with the United States and anticommunist foreign policy. Thus, the presidencies of Janio Quadros and Joao Goulart (1961-1964) became intolerable for the United States. Washington supported the idea of a military coup d'état which was to protect Brazil from a communist dictatorship.

19

Neznámý příběh českého exilu: Josef Kučík a Sdružení Lidé dobré vůle v Západní Austrálii, 1950–1969

70%

Miller J.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2012

|

tom 20

|

nr 2

211-233

EN

The number of Czech and Slovak post-February (1948) exiles in Australia, according to the Australian national census of 1954, amounted to some 10 to 12 thousand people referred to as displaced persons. The rather high number was mainly due to the fact that Australia offered the shortest repatriation waiting time and, at least at the turn of the 1940s, actively fostered immigration from Europe. For that purpose the Australian government launched a media campaign that found its echo primarily in the refugee camps in Germany and Austria. The group of Czech post-February (1948) exiles, numbering some 400-500 persons in the 1950s, was developing rather separately (perhaps even in voluntary isolation) from the main exile centers. The above group in Australian exile faced many personal, collective, organizational, financial and political controversies and problems. In the fall of 1969 the first stage of Czech and Slovak emigration to Western Australia was closed and another stage started in connection with the new wave of post-August (1968) exiles.

20

ZPÍVEJ, KOVBOJI. SNY, PŘEDSTAVY (A SKUTEČNOST) O DIVOKÉM ZÁPADU

70%

Jareš M.

Slovenská literatúra (Slovak Literature)

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2013

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tom 60

|

nr 6

455 – 461

EN

The author tries to capture how the western, which originally existed as the American form of historical and, actually, realistic novel, took root in the countries where the tradition of winning the Wild West and patriotic tendencies were more or less absent or they were depicted by using different genres and techniques. He contemplates whether the western in its essence exists until now or it is just in the position of a romanticizing and fossilized genre. Alongside the conscious exotism of the western, the genre – from the historical point of view, especially in the territory of Czechoslovakia - is able to function in its transformed meaning as a trigger for the tramp movement (and thus can also be seen as one of many roots of the Leftist Avant-garde), as well as a moral and social solution. Idealizing the „American“ element, which dates back to the 1930s, was also a moving force for liberal and free thinking, which in its black-and-white distinction often helped to overcome oppression and totalitarianism. The stereotypical battle between good and evil complemented by freedom simply works in any totalitarian society better – although with hindsight. He admits it was partly just a precursor of the Ideology of Consumerism. Since the second half of the 20th century the western imagery has moved from the literary form mainly to film adaptations and recently it has reached a stage when the western has de facto lost its opponent as well as its essence and the motivation for existence. Its current form undergoing a worldwide transformation from Romanticism preferably to Realistic-Naturalistic depictions then naturally has to seek its own purpose as well as the users, who often incline to other sources of pleasure in Pop Culture.