There are many arguments for the thesis according to which political views become “separated” from social structure, but there is also substantial evidence that the relation between them continues to exist and is not changing significantly over time. We refer to certain aspects of this process, using European Social Survey data of the years 2002-2010. The subject of our analysis is strength of the relation between voters’ preferences and electoral participation on the one hand and age, religion, immigration status and position in social hierarchy on the other in several countries in the indicated period. Our analysis results in the conclusion that political systems have a rather stable footing in social structure. In particular, there is no indication that in the years 2002-2010 the impact of social class on voters’ preferences was diminishing. Although class position is a relatively weak indicator of voters’ attitude, but the influence of religion, immigration and age is weaker still, even though these are taken to be the indicators of “new” social divisions, which supposedly blur traditional voting identities.
In contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, the debate on class politics takes on a different form to that in the West - it concerns whether class divisions in creaseas the post-communist societies under go transition to the market system. Using Polish survey data, containing information on respondents voting beha ior in elections of 1991, 1994, 1997, and 2001, the Autors presents evidence on significance of social class on voting behavior. Results of log-linear analysis show that class membership does in deed exert a significant impact on voting behavior. Although it changed across the time, in 2001 it appeared no less significant than in 1991. Also the patterns of this association remained unchanged. On the whole our evidence suggests that in Poland a new dimension of social stratification known as in sociological literature 'class politics' - has emerged. At the same time, claims of the class basis of voting in Poland can not be exaggerated. The evidence presented here clearly indicates that the class-vote link in Poland is much lo wer compared with most of Western societies. Data from 17 countries found in allows to compare relative strength of this association European Social Survey 2002.
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As the result of the fall of the Soviet Union, the process of building (and rebuilding) the Ukrainian identity took on new dynamics. The type and specificity of the Ukrainian version of post -communism are important factors which determine this process. In the article, the author demonstrates that the first split in the communist elites in Ukraine occurred as a consequence of the following dividing line: „the country – servants of Moscow”. It happened even before the Bolsheviks seized real power over Ukraine. Then, it was a significant factor which consolidated the Ukrainian dissident movement. Not long ago, the conflict resulting from the division „the country – servants of Moscow” resurfaced during the so -called „Orange Revolution”. In accordance with Jadwiga Staniszkis’s theoretical findings, and in particular in the light of the concept of „the three beginnings”, these facts allow us to state that the Ukrainian version of post -communism belongs to the Central -European type. This was confirmed by the events surrounding the presidential election of 2004.
In contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, the debate on class politics takes on a different form to that in the West - it concerns whether class divisions increase as the post-communist societies undergo transition to the market system. Using Polish survey data, containing information on respondents voting behavior in elections of 1991, 1994, 1997, and 2001, the autor presents evidence on significance of social class on voting behavior. Results of log-linear analysis show that class membership does indeed exert a significant impact on voting behavior. Although it changed across the time, in 2001 it appeared no less significant than in 1991. Also the patterns of this association remained unchanged. On the whole our evidence suggests that in Poland a new dimension of social stratification known as in sociological literature 'class politics' - has emerged. At the same time, claims of the class basis of voting in Poland cannot be exaggerated. The evidence presented here clearly indicates that the class-vote link in Poland is much lower compared with most of Western societies. Data from 17 countries found in allows to compare relative strength of this association European Social Survey 2002.
The totalitarian regime in Albania was considered as one of the most rigid and isolated in all of Eastern Europe from 1945 to 1991. Starting from 1990 when the system collapsed, Albania has witnessed one of the great migrations of recent times. This Balkan country has experienced the highest level of international migration after the fall of the communist regime compared to other post-communist countries in Eastern Europe. The paper seeks to understand the phenomenon of Albanian emigration (from Albania – not from other parts of the Balkans e.g. Kosovo, Macedonia) as one of the major features of post-totalitarian legacy. The first part of the text provides a brief overview of the Albanian communism system, the second part is an analysis of different waves of Albanian emigration after the collapse of communism, and the third part presents the current situation regarding Albanian migration. The article offers an overview of Albanian post-communist migration and represents a summary of up-to-date knowledge about this phenomenon.
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Post-communist studies have interpreted and analysed the political transformation in Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC's), and its consequences for social life in different ways. In general, two approaches can be distinguished: a continuous and a discontinuous approach. This paper instead advances an ideational approach, which considers ideas to have a central mediating role in processes of transformation. The central question of this paper is if and how ideas, originating in communist times, continue to have relevance for everyday life in CEEC's. Using examples from a study on the interpretation of cooperation in a Slovak rural community, this paper shows that people evaluate and explain past and present-day cooperation as bricoleurs, re-using ideas originating in communist times. The concept of ideational bricolage shows that ideas are used dynamically: people actively reproduce, redefine and reconstruct old ideas in a new context.
In the aftermath of 1989, Romania faced the challenge of dealing with its communist past. The responses to this civic pressure varied and were dependent on a number of factors: the degree of attachment of the population to the former regime, the existence of an emerging civil society, the way the regime collapsed, as well as the “contextual factors” like the “privatization of nomenklatura” (Helga Welsh), the presence in the new state structure of what Thomas Baylis called the “lower nobility of the communist era” (the neo-communists), and the specific economic and social issues of the transitional period. Amnesia, active oblivion, the “privatization” of memory, the hypertrophy of memory, new mythologies are just a few of the strategies for dealing with the communist past that have emerged in the last 20 years. Promoting an “official public memory” of communism as an “invasion”, declaring the former regime as being “illegitimate and criminal,” adopting compensatory laws are some of the other more concrete reactions within the field of struggle over the memory of communism.
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The contemporary boom in the popularity of religion(s) and religiosity has led to new interest in their sociological study that has returned the sociology of religion to the heart of sociological research. In secular Europe alone, three new overviews of the discipline have appeared in 2006 and 2007, written by Grace Davie, I. Furseth and P. Repstad, and Z. R. Nespor and D. Luzny, all of which attempt to go beyond the traditional agenda of the discipline. This review article summarises the various attitudes of the respective authors and provides a general overview of their books. However, rather than evaluating them it tries to use the three books as a starting point for thinking of the discipline itself. Primarily, the author examines whether there is one single sociology of religion or not and stresses the multiplicity of 'national' approaches with regard to the state of religion in respective societies. Beyond the attention usually paid to the European-American division, and Davie's 'hybrid cases' of British, Canadian, German and Eastern European versions of the sociology of religion, which are also discussed, the author outlines the particularities of the French and Scandinavian approaches. The article then concerns itself with the various theoretical and methodological issues surrounding the discipline and emphasises its 'post-paradigmatic' stage. While some sociologists are looking for new theories (Furseth and Repstad), others highlight the variety of methods which allow a deeper understanding of the multiplicity of facts and meanings (Davie, Nespor and Luzny). Finally, the article discusses the specific position of religion(s) in post-communist countries and the ways in which it is studied.
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The study analyses the development of the exiled organization of the Social Democrats from Czechoslovakia in the years 1948-1995. It shows its anti-communist background, which has remained within the organization throughout its existence, which has in fact made it an organization of former political prisoners, academics and artists who did not intervene in practical politics even after the turn of 1989 and held the role of guardians of traditions and values.
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In the course of author's research on the experience of political transformation, the citizens of post-soviet Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine often underlined that: People have changed. Some of them have asked: What has happened to the people? and perceived these changes as a negative phenomenon. Contemporary changes were compared with the interwar decades (the oldest interviewees) or the soviet period. Informants usually pointed the breakup of the family bonds, the rise of the conflicts between humans, omnipresent aggression, boorishness, selfishness, brutality of life, crime and the chase for money. The phenomena such as the overwhelming rivalry, envy, social callousness, the lack of disinterestedness and justice as well as the loneliness were stigmatized by interviewees. Contemporary times were often described as bad, cold, inhuman, deprived of love and sympathy. Quite often people didn't hope for better tomorrow. These critical judgments have been related to the political transformation and capitalism - often described as the wild, rapacious or black. People blamed the mass media for popularization of negative patterns of behavior. Many interviewees explained contemporary changes in the means of secularization, the lack of moral authorities and the upbringing based on religious values. The author underlines that phenomena pointed by her informants are well known in Western Europe. She is curious whether they will increase or is there a more optimistic solution possible.
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The article focuses on the role of informality in the life of post-communist societies in Central Europe. Its goal is to question the current negative connotation of informal networks in the context of post-communist society. For this purpose it analyses the criteria used in the relevant literature to distinguish between 'good' and 'bad' informal networks. Two main factors (the situational factor and the factor of relationship quality) are analysed from the perspective of their impact on the orientation of informal networks and their ability to predict which networks will have a positive or a negative influence on societal development. The author argues that neither of these two factors alone can fully explain the positive or negative orientation of a particular informal network in a given society. Instead he proposes a solution that combines several dimensions of both factors. In conclusion he identifies five types of informal networks in post-communist society: predatory, redistributory, helping, operating, and participative networks.
The paper examines the social and institutional dimensions of art history in post-communist Slovakia. Art history itself an often-presumed neutral autonomous science – though brutally contaminated ideologically in the previous regime – struggles today with several problems. Not only a lack of self-reflection on the discipline and its methods and a lack of critical dialogue with past practices, but a new socio-economic framework outline the set of questions that need to be asked. The fundamental question, which the author asks, is how the science entitled art historiography is constituted and how it distributes knowledge under new conditions through concrete institutions.
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Despite more than twenty years of freedom is voter turnout in successfully democratized post-communist countries far below the average of West European democracies. This article handles with two macro-theories, societal modernization theory and institutionalism. These ordinary approaches generally assume that more advanced communities offering stronger positive institutional incentives will have higher rate of political involvement. Based on these theories, nine possible determinants which can affect turnout were chosen – human development, non-agrarian population, urbanization, parliamentarism, direct vote of the president, closeness, electoral system proportionality, population size and compulsory voting. Moreover, the author ś study supplements classical theories with factor of post-communism. It emphasizes that communist legacy per se brings important condition for (non-)participation. The principal objective of this article is to trace the importance of post-communism compared with other factors which can cause differences in aggregate voter participation among European democracies and to demonstrate that post-communism works as some kind of condition for certain factors – it can change their intensity and direction. The author examines turnout in 213 national lower house elections held in 36 European countries. Regression analysis enriched by interaction effects is used to estimate the explanatory model.
This article is situated in the humanistic sociology and social anthropology approach. In this approach, civil society is viewed as a society's style of culture with respect to individual participation in group life based on common moral order. Its objective is to try to determine the extent to which western conceptions of civil society can be transferred to Chinese culture. It also strives to reconstruct civil behaviour patterns in China from a historical perspective. The basic tenet of this article is that, in the course of its evolution, Chinese culture developed various motivation and action patterns which may be the beginnings of a civil engagement. It is possible to formulate such a tenet on the assumption that civil society in contemporary China is largely based on tradition. It is tradition which defines the forms of non-institutional, self-organizing 'second society.' One of the consequences of the adoption of this tenet is this article's focus on analysis of the barriers against, and opportunities for, further development of civil society in contemporary China.
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This article compares the determinants of political participation, from voting and signing petitions to boycotting, across 23 European countries, posing the question whether and to what degree social inequalities in political participation differ between post-communist and Western countries. The data for the analysis is from the second round of the ESS survey, conducted in 2004-2005. The analysis focuses on the role of education, occupation, and gender in shaping the chances of engaging in political action, while also controlling for a range of sociological, political, and demographic variables. Interaction effects between individual variables and a post-communist dummy variable are used to directly compare the statistical significance of the difference in coefficients between post-communist and Western countries. The article finds that the observed effects of the post-communist context are actually accounted for by the indirect effects of a number of individual-level variables. In particular, education, occupation, and gender have stronger effects in post-communist countries than Western countries on many forms of political participation; in other words, the post-communist countries exhibit somewhat larger inequalities in political participation than in the West.
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The study aims to explore the potential behind the visual culture in the post-socialist countries of former Eastern Europe in terms of social transformation and processes associated with the fall of the communist regime. The study presses to challenge the concept of 'visual culture' in relation to such notions as ideology, memory, iconoclasm, public institutions, or public space. Do the socialist institutions fall within the scope of competence assumed by visual/cultural studies? If they do, then what methods and concepts are available to employ in an effort to explore the 'iconosphere' linked to the building of socialism, the collapse of one political system and a consequent political, economical and social transformation? What relationship will visual studies espouse in relation to such traditional fields as art history? What form will the writing on image production in the period of totalitarian ideologies viewed from contemporary perspectives take? It shall be treading the territory shared by multiple fields and it will attempt to tie in on the results which interdisciplinary research in visual culture and post-communist identity has yielded. Current trends in the arena of exhibition projects, publications and new university courses attest to a lively debate that branches various levels of the Central European community in terms of this subject matter. The charted approach does not merely admit diversity of employed methods, interdisciplinary engagement and plurality of opinions; it directly presumes it. With the aforementioned in mind, the study will not consider so much the global perspective but will rather outline a few local underlying aspects of the 'contemporary past'. It also aspires to focus on the issues of critical thinking by exploring the images and visual culture from a viewpoint of social landmarks.
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Europe is grounded, from all sides, in traces of old inter-state and ethnic conflicts. Experience has proved that they can still be re-activated in spite of various forms of resolution in the past. History is welcome in the present, and we can observe mobilisation among agents, populations of victims, or despoiled groups, which have been forgotten or forced into silence through post-conflictual issues. Various interest groups, political parties, or states, build up memorial resources that they incorporate in their actions list of historicist strategies, with the aim of 'recycling' the representations of the symbolic pasts into contemporary political games. These mobilisations meet the reconciliation trends coming from society (for example, informal groups, NGOs, and so on), or are taken in charge by national and international institutions - which are becoming more and more routine - especially under the influence of the circulation of 'good' models of the pacification of resentments, containing a highly normative tone. The question is to know whether, in spite of the apparent heterogeneity of this phenomenon, the historicist games do constitute a common indicator of the state of political regimes, especially democracies, and also of the strength of that supranational construction called the EU. This question necessitates the revisiting of the dominant concepts in the field of the political sociology of memory. The international circulation of reconciliation grammars, and the fact that memory issues are being torn out of their national frameworks and exploited in several arenas, both internal and external, in order to increase their yield of political resources, are further evidence that the paradigms heretofore dominant in the social sciences are now at an impasse.
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How Czech high school students aged 15-20 years evaluate life in Czechoslovakia between 1948 and 1989? As Czechs (and Slovaks) born after the Velvet Revolution do not have direct experience of life under communism, the evaluations they have about this period of contemporary history must be based on indirect evidence coming from older family members, school, the media, museums, etc. Using a theory of collective memory developed by French sociologist, Maurice Halbwachs (1877 – 1945) combined with empirical evidence from 2014 this paper shows that young Czechs’ evaluations of the past differ on the basis of social group membership and that evaluations of the past are strongly associated with present conditions. Specifically, this study reveals that females, students in less academic schools, and those living outside Prague have more positive collective memories; and hence evaluations of life under communism. Moreover, the past is evaluated in terms of the present where students least satisfied with contemporary life have the most positive evaluations of life under communism. This study concludes by illustrating how Halbwach’s theory of collective memory matches with some of the key findings of contemporary studies of Czechoslovak communism.
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The article is inspired by the post-colonial theory examining the totality of power and raising questions about the current relationship between the former colonizers and the former colonized and their interaction. The article argues that the situation in post-socialist countries in Central Europe is analogous to the situation in post-colonial countries and that the local literary representation of different cultural axiological paradigms may be treated in a similar way. The paper focuses on those Czech post-communist prose writers who by personal experience come from Christian traditions and whose work discursively responds to the oppression of Christian churches during the period of communist “normalization”. By the analysis of prose texts by Martin C. Putna, Jan Jandourek, Martin Fendrych and Renata Eremiášová, the article tires to demonstrate how the repressed alteriy of Christian subculture had been manifested in the Czech literature. It focuses on the question of how much the Christian episteme is accepted and manifested in the Czech post-communist literature, and to what extent the literary reception reflects ontological and epistemological distinction between Christianity and the Church.
The article takes a closer look at a series of films and video performances that confront, assault, and more generally re-imagine the legacy and meaning of communist architecture in a post-communist world. Some of the works discussed are the Romanian artist Irina Botea’s video installations and photographs of 2003, revolving around the gigantic Ceausescu’s People’s House in Bucharest, and recent Romanian films in which the scenario revolves around the architecture of communist housing estates: 12:08 East of Bucharest (2006, director Corneliu Porumboiu), 4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days (2007, director Cristian Mungiu), and “C” Block Story (2003, director Cristian Nemescu).
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