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The article is an attempt to analyze the relations between political trust and one of the greatest problems of the public domain: political corruption. It seems obvious that corrupt behaviors revealed in the public space are supposed to undermine citizens’ political trust. This thesis has been empirically verified many times. The author of the paper presents the cause and effect model with institutional trust as the independent variable. The article is an attempt to analyze the possible directions of its influence on political corrupt behaviors, assuming political trust to be the starting point, not the consequence, of the “social disease” occurring in the public domain.
The present study attempts to combine Raskin’s (1985) and Davies’ (2011) methodological approaches to political jokes to investigate Greek political jokes targeting politicians and circulated during the first 4 years of the Greek crisis. The proposed analysis identifies, on the one hand, what Greek people perceive as politicians’ main incongruities, namely their flaws that prevent them from fulfilling their roles ‘appropriately’. On the other hand, the particularities of the sociopolitical context in Greece and, most importantly, the pervasive lack of political trust among Greeks allow for an interpretation of the jokes under scrutiny as expressions of disillusionment and disappointment with politicians and the political system in general, and as manifestations of mild, playful aggression towards them. The findings of the study reveal that the accusations raised in the jokes against politicians capture and reproduce quite accurately most of the aspects and causes of political mistrust in Greece.
This study investigates the link between perceived discrimination and political trust among immigrants in European countries. Focusing on perceived discrimination, I emphasize the diversity of mechanisms through which discrimination is perceived by immigrants; in other words, perceptions of discrimination are multidimensional. This is in stark contrast to most of the research that uncritically assumes that the perceptions of discrimination are unidimensional. Employing the European Social Survey, I find that each of the diverse dimensions of perceived discrimination has different associations with immigrants’ political trust. Furthermore, the association between diverse dimensions of perceived discrimination and political trust varies depending on the immigrant’s generational status. For first-generation immigrants, their trust in political institutions is related to seven types of perception of discrimination, whereas, for the second generation, it is linked only to four types. This indicates that first-generation immigrants’ political trust is more responsive to the perceptions of discrimination in comparison to the second generation of immigrants.
Content available Political Trust vs. Turnout in Modern Democracies
The article analyzes the relations between political trust - one of the most important values in the life of political communities - and election-related behaviors in the narrow meaning of voting. Researchers investigate the phenomenon of decreasing turnout as one of the expressions of democratic crisis. When studying such a complex problem, it is essential to search for multi-theme causes which might be helpful in understanding the topic and possibly finding a solution for it. The author of this article, while assuming the correctness of analyzes conducted thus far, which indicate that the problem lies in weaker attachment to political parties, less interest in politics and inadequate tools, raises questions whether the decreasing turnout in individual states may be related to the level of trust that citizens put in political institutions and whether there is a relation between these both indicators. In order to answer these questions, the author employs a quantitative analysis of data which derive from reports containing percentage levels of political trust and turnout in the elections, a comparative analysis, as well as an overview of literature on the subject.
It is a well-documented fact that social trust, i.e., the extent to which people trust others, and political trust, i.e., trust in political institutions, are key factors in social capital theory. However, to compare these concepts in cross-national or longitudinal frameworks, it is important to first establish whether the measurements of these concepts are compatible across countries or over time. This paper tests the measurement and cross-national and longitudinal invariance properties of social and political trust. We use multiple-group confirmatory factor analyses (MGCFA) to evaluate the different levels of invariance (configural, metric and scalar) using data from the European Social Survey (ESS) measured at four different time points (2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008) in seven Western European countries. In a second step, the country mean rankings of social and political trust are computed based on the latent scores and compared with those based on traditional sum score measurements. This comparison illustrates the potential inaccuracy of sum scores for country mean comparisons when measurement invariance is not supported by the data.
Trust in state institutions is essential for the stability and legitimacy of political regimes. Understood in evaluative terms, political trust has often been linked to the performance of the state and its institutions. The macro-level sources of trust, however, are not well understood owing to the scarcity of empirical tests beyond cross-sectional analyses. This paper examines economic performance and the quality of governance as determinants of political trust in Europe. The analysis relies on data from the European Values Study and the World Values Survey between 1990 and 2019, covering 42 European countries surveyed at least twice. The modelling strategy explicitly distinguishes between-country variation from within-country variation in macro-level characteristics, enabling the examination of cross-national and longitudinal effects. The results provide evidence of associations between economic performance - economic development and unemployment - and political trust in the expected directions, with some differences across European regions. Further, countries with less corruption tend to enjoy higher political trust, but the effects of changes in the level of corruption on trust depend on the corruption indicator used. Finally, improvements in the quality of electoral democracy are associated with declines in political trust.
Jednym z podstawowych celów realizacji sondaży o charakterze porównawczym jest wnioskowanie o międzykulturowych różnicach opartych na pomiarze pewnych konstruktów latentnych. Porównania takie są uzasadnione, jeśli tylko owe konstrukty mierzą w każdym kraju to samo oraz w taki sam sposób. Celem tego artykułu jest weryfikacja hipotezy o ekwiwalentności pomiaru skali zaufania politycznego w dwudziestu krajach uczestniczących w siódmej rundzie Europejskiego Sondażu Społecznego. Analiza stopnia dopasowania modeli pomiarowych opartych na równaniach strukturalnych pozwoliła przyjąć hipotezę o konfiguralnej oraz metrycznej ekwiwalentności pomiaru skali zaufania politycznego. Jednocześnie odrzucono hipotezę o pełnej inwariancji skalarnej tego konstruktu, przy czym najbardziej problematyczny okazał się pomiar wskaźnika zaufania do systemu prawnego. Na zakończenie ukazano możliwości wnioskowania o międzykrajowych różnicach w poziomie zaufania politycznego, pomimo odrzucenia hipotezy o pełnej inwariancji pomiarowej tego konstruktu.
One of the main goals of cross-cultural surveys is to compare countries on the basis of values of latent constructs. Such comparisons are only permissible, however, if the measurement process complies with cross-country equivalence. Using the data form the 7th wave of the European Social Survey, this article investigates whether the measurement of political trust is country invariant. The use of configural and metric equivalence tests demonstrate that this construct can be considered reliable and cross-country valid. However, if one applies stricter scalar equivalence test, the measurement of political trust is not fully invariant, and especially the item on trust in the legal system is posing major problems in a number of countries. This article is concluded by testing the concurrent validity of political trust scale and by offering some suggestions on how to compare European countries, even if the measurement of political trust is not fully cross-country invariant.
Objectives. Although numerous studies have examined similarities between political trust and generalized social trust, their differences are unclear. The purpose of this study is to understand unique characteristics of these two forms of trust. Participants and setting. The sample consists of ethnically diverse youth in the Czech Republic, Czechs (n=834), Slovaks (n=82), Ukrainians (n=170), and Roma (n=206), aged from 15 to 28 years (M=21.11; SD=3.50). Participants responded to questionnaires. Hypotheses. Generalized social trust will be more uniquely related to attitudes toward outgroup benefits, whereas political trust will be more uniquely related to attitudes toward ingroup benefits. Statistical analysis and results. To examine these hypotheses, a series of regression analyses were employed. Specifically, this study revealed that regardless of ethnic groups and sociodemographic characteristics, generalized social trust (not political trust) was positively related to volunteer participation, which benefits outgroups. Political trust (not generalized social trust) was associated with political behaviors (election turnouts and following the politics in the media) which are evaluated based on ingroup benefits. This study further demonstrated that excluded ethnic minority’s (i.e., Roma in this study) political trust and majority people’s (i.e., Czechs in this study) generalized social trust were uniquely related to their attitudes towards minority groups (higher support for affirmative action and higher negative emotions towards ethnic discrimination). Study limitations. Limitations of this study are its focus on young people (not older people), the use of a sample which is not representative to the population, and dependence on self-report methods.
Cíl. Ačkoli řada výzkumů zkoumala podobnosti mezi politickou důvěrou a zobecněnou sociální důvěrou, rozdíly mezi nimi jsou nejasné. Cílem této studie bylo porozumět jedinečným charakteristikám těchto dvou forem důvěry. Soubor. Soubor se skládal z etnicky rozmanité mládeže v ČR, Češi (n = 834), Slováci (n = 82), Ukrajinci (n = 170) a Romové (n = 206) ve věku od 15 do 28 let (M = 21.11; SD = 3.50). Účastníci vyplnili dva dotazníky. Hypotézy. Zobecněná sociální důvěra se bude vztahovat především k postojům ve prospěch nečlenské skupiny (outgroup), zatímco politická důvěra se bude vztahovat především k postojům ve prospěch členské skupiny (ingroup). Statistická analýza a výsledky K ověření těchto hypotéz byla provedena série regresních analýz. Ty ukázaly, že bez ohledu na etnické skupiny a socio-demografické charakteristiky zobecněná sociální důvěra (nikoli politická důvěra) souvisí pozitivně s dobrovolnou účastí, což přináší prospěch nečlenským skupinám. Politická důvěra (nikoli zobecněná sociální důvěra) byla spojena s politickými projevy (volební účast a sledování politiky v médiích), které jsou považovány za prospěšné pro členskou skupinu. Studie dále ukázala, že politická důvěra vyloučené etnické menšiny (tj. Romů) a zobecněná sociální důvěra většinového obyvatelstva (tj. Čechů) se vztahovaly především k jejich postojům k menšinovým skupinám (vyšší podpora afirmativních akcí a zápornější emoce vůči etnické diskriminaci). Omezení studie. Spočívají v zaměření na mladé lidi (starší lidé nebyli zahrnuti), v použití souboru, který není populačně reprezentativní, a v závislosti na metodách vypovídajících o sobě.
У статті розглянуто прояви опортуністичної поведінки у діяльності українських політич- них партій, зокрема при формулюванні передвиборчих партійних програм. Із врахуванням економічних чинників та рис політичної свідомості українського суспільства, автор показує актуальність використання політичними партіями обіцянок, які стосуються збільшення соці- альних виплат. Відповідно, спосіб їх формулювання у передвиборчий період є проявом полі- тичного опортунізму у партійній діяльності, оскільки спирається на асиметричний розподіл інформації між лідерами політичних партій та виборцями. Зокрема прихованою є інформація про те, що реалізація декларованих популістських заходів, із мінімальним покращенням добро- буту виборців у короткостроковому періоді, супроводжуватиметься негативними наслідками для економічного розвитку та подальшим зниженням добробуту переважної частини населення у довгостроковому періоді. У статті показано, що післявиборче невиконання політичними пар- тіями передвиборчих обіцянок спричиняє зниження довіри суспільства до відповідних полі- тичних інститутів.
The article analyzes the traits of opportunistic behaviour of Ukrainian political parties in the process of creating election programs. Taking into account economic factors and some features of political consciousness of the Ukrainian society, the author shows how political parties use promises of increasing social payments. The hidden effect of the programs’ realization depends on the “asymmetry” in the information about the differences between short-term benefits and long-term costs. The implementation of declared populist programs (aimed at voters’ welfare improvement in the short term) causes the negative effects on economic development and reduces the welfare of population in the long run. But at the same time, the paper shows that the failure of political parties’ campaign promises causes a decrease in public trust to the relevant political institutions which is a consequence of pre-election opportunism.
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