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1

THE MONKS OF BYZANTINE EGYPT (4-7TH CENTURIES). AN ATTEMPT AT A COLLECTIVE PORTRAIT (Stan mnichow w Egipcie bizantyjskim (IV-VIII wiek). Proba nakreslenia zbiorowego portretu)

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Wipszycka E.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2009

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tom 8

175-215

EN

The portrait of the monastic milieu in Byzantine Egypt, as presented in this paper, has no pretence of being complete. It uses various sources: literary texts (apophthegms, in particular), documents written on papyrus and ostraca, remains of monks' dwellings. It aims at throwing light on a number of points, such as: the procedures necessary for a candidate to enter a monastic community; the monks' social background; literacy among the monks; hierarchic order regulating community life; the monks' everyday interpersonal relationships, especially the kinds of conflicts arising among them and the ways of solving them; the mobility of the monks before the introduction of the principle of stabilitas loci; the attitude of the Church and of public opinion towards those who gave up the cowl.

2

LITERARY SOURCES FOR THE EARLIEST MONASTIC COMMUNITIES IN NORTH AFRICA (Zrodla literackie dotyczace najwczesniejszych wspolnot monastycznych w Afryce Polnocnej)

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Nehring P.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2010

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tom 9

99-113

EN

Our knowledge of the earliest monastic communities in North Africa comes primarily and almost exclusively from the writings of St. Augustine or from other works written by authors closely related to him. These literary sources represent specific categories with a strongly persuasive function and as such they belong to the prescriptive, apologetic or hagiographical writings. While studying any aspect of early monasticism in North Africa it is necessary to pay attention to the literary and rhetorical traits of the texts. The prescriptive works (Rule of St. Augustine, De opere monachorum) pointed to the ideal which could be perceived as a task to be completed by the monks themselves as well as by their superiors; the apologetic sources (Sermones 355-356) were to show that this ideal, seemingly imperfect as it was, functioned quite well; finally, the hagiographical sources (Vita Augustini) tried to convince the reader that the ideal had come true. The perfect and clearly established example of this ideal is found in the apostolic community in Jerusalem outlined in the Acts of the Apostles 4, 32-35.

3

'I WILL NOT YET ENTER INTO THE HOLY RITE'. THE ROLE OF 'TELETE' IN NONNIAN EXEGESIS OF JOHN 7:8 ('Nie wyrusze jeszcze na swieta uroczystosc. Termin telete w nonnianskiej egzegezie Ewangelii sw. Jana 7,8)

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Doroszewski F.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2010

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tom 9

25-34

EN

Jesus' refusal to go up to the Feast of Tabernacles, described in John 7:8 seems to stand in contradiction to his subsequent participation in the celebration. That contradiction drew the attention of early commentators pointing out the deeper meaning buried in Jesus' words. In his Paraphrase VII, 31-34, Nonnus of Panopolis shows a similarintention. By means of the term 'telete' he discloses a connection between Jesus' answerand his redemptive sacrifice, implying that Jesus is no longer speaking about the Jewish feast but about new Christian rites which would take place after his Resurrection.

4

HISTORIAN ARISTODEMOS AND BYZANTINE COPYISTS (Historyk Aristodemos i bizantynscy kopisci)

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Janiszewski P.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2009

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tom 8

51-63

EN

The article is devoted to the puzzling historian Aristodemos (FGrHist 104), whowrote a complete book on common history at a time which is difficult to define. Two separate summaries have been preserved from it. The former one from Codex Parisinus 607, published in the 19th century, includes a description of events from the battle at Salamina until the outbreak of Peloponnesian war (480-431 B.C.). The latter one which comes from Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 2469, published in 1962, includes a fragment devoted to events preceding the battle of Plataea in 479 B.C. The article is an attempt to define the relations between the two extracts as well as their relation to the lost original text by Aristodemos. Moreover, it indicates that the extract from Codex Parisinus, mixed with fragments of The Life of Apollonius of Tyana by Philostratos and medical recipes is probably a copyist's exercise, practicing his writing technique. As the initial analysis of the preserved fragments of Aristodemos's writings shows, he was not only a historian, but also an erudite, aspiring to complete the reports of Herodotus, Thucydides and other classic historiographers, living probably in Hellenist times (3-1st century B.C.).

5

Tertium genus hominum. K roli eunuchů na pozdně antickém císařském dvoře

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Dolezal S.

Listy filologické (Folia philologica)

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2008

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tom 131

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nr 1-2

3-27

EN

The eunuchs at the imperial court of the Late Roman Empire generally appeared to ancient authors to be a destructive element in the decision-making and executive processes at the highest level of government. Especially the 'praepositus sacri cubiculi' is often descibed by our sources as an 'eminence grise' behind a weak emperor, or at any rate a bad influence at the court. This is why eunuchs as a social group tended to be despised or mocked even by otherwise fair-minded and unbiased authors. Furthermore, a myth was created about innate or acquired bad personal qualities of all eunuchs. In sum, there may have been no other social group in the empire that was generally disliked that much. Ancient authors overlook multitudes of menial eunuchs with low social standing, who were no influence whatsoever, because these were of no interest to them. Likewise, there were notable exceptions to the picture about greedy, effeminate, malicious castrated chamberlains, prone to cruelty and abuse of power, and some of the reliable historians mention them. Access to power and handling of it was indeed what mattered most in the evaluation of the eunuchs by our sources; the other features, such as the ethnical or cultural otherness, or the physical defect itself, or humble origin, seem to be far less significant.

6

DIVORCE IN ROMAN EGYPT: A CASE STUDY (Rozwod w Papirusach: Studium przypadkow)

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Urbanik J.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2010

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tom 9

159-188

EN

Our imagination of the matrimonial reality of the Roman world has been haunted by women counting their age by their husbands instead of consuls (Seneca, de ben. 3.16.2) and the notorious Cato - Marcia - Hortensius triangle (Plutarch, Cato 25-27). This stereotypical idea of the poor durability of marriages in Antiquity has been recently challenged in the diligent study of Susan Treggiari who, having counted the divorces present in the classical literary sources (sixty-odd up to the times of Domitian, some of them involving the same individuals), came to the conclusion that this picture is simply a by-product of the topoi of the moralistic and satirical literature. And yet, we must observe that the literature hardly ever deals with the lives of simple people, so the reality may only be retrieved from the documents of legal practice. Prima facie the scarcity of the documentation seems to corroborate the thesis of Treggiari. At present there are less than fifty known deeds dealing directly with divorce, predominantly dated to the Roman and Byzantine eras; some of them are regrettably preserved only very fragmentarily. Yet the view has to be put forward that this may be caused by the fact that not all divorces were documented. The nature of the documents recording divore for the most typical divorce settlements: marriage contracts, census records, petitions of the deserted wives or husbands, show that divorce was part of the 'normal' life ofthe inhabitants of Graeco-Roman Egypt and must have occurred quite frequently. The paper aims at presenting the general format of the divorce settlements, and then gives translations and interpretations of 6 documents relating to divorce. With the aid of these examples a few important research issues are discussed: the relation between theImperial Law and the divorce practice as shown in the papyri: the principle of formless and easy divorce; the gradual limitation of divorces from the times of Constantine the Great and its probably meagre impact on the legal practice; the possible admission ofthe intervention of third parties into divorce (viz. the parents' decision); and finally the question of the possible influence of Christianity on divorce customs (which does not seem to be easily detectable).

7

ABLABIUS 'DESCRIPTOR GOTHORUM GENTIS EGREGIUS' DEFLORATUS? (Ablabius 'descriptor Gothorum gentis egregius' defloratus?)

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Prostko-Prostynski J.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2010

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tom 9

147-156

EN

Ablabius is an unknown Roman/Greek writer or historian of the late Antiquity. He is mentioned only three times in Jordanes' work 'de origine actibusque Getarum' written ca. AD 551 (Get. 28; 84; 117). Ablabius has had several identities ascribed to him by modern scholars. One suggestion is that he can be identified with the sophist Ablabius the Galatian (IV/V AD.). In this paper the author rejects this hypothesis as unproven und discusses some minor problems concerning Ablabius.

8

KRISTIANIZÁCIA NESKOREJ ANTIKY A TÉMA POKÁNIA

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Olexák P.

Verba Theologica. Teologický časopis

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2016

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tom 15

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nr 1

66 – 76

EN

The paper traces the Christianization of the West by focusing on the practice of penitence and discipline. It attempts to uncover hidden traces of a changing mentality of the individual and the society. This procedure is presented as a viable path toward obtaining an insight of how Europe had been in fact Christianized.

9

AND THE LOT FELL ON MATTHEW... SOME REMARKS ON THE LATE ANTIQUE ATTITUDE TOWARDS DRAWING LOTS AND AN EPISODE OF THE EARLY BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH (Polish title below)

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Wisniewski R.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2011

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tom 10

229-236

EN

(Polish title: 'I los padl na Macieja...' Kilka uwag o poznoantycznym stosunku do losow i pewnym epizodzie z poczatkow Kosciola). In Late Antiquity the choice of a bishop was widely treated as an attempt to discover God's will, and the method by which Matthias was chosen to replace Judas as the twelfth apostle, namely by drawing lots, as described in Ac 1,15-26, would seem to have provided a model solution for recognizing God's intention. But such selections by drawing lots never gained wider acceptance. This paper explains this method's lack of popularity and shows how Christian authors such as John Chrysostom, Theodoret, Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine justified the difference between the contemporary practice of episcopal elections and the biblical example. This leads to some observations about the attitude of Late Antique Christians towards the ideal community presented in the first chapters of Acts.

10

SOME REMARKS ON POLISH EDITION OF DIOCLETIAN'S EDICT ON MAXIMUM PRICES (Kilka uwag o polskim wydaniu edyktu Dioklecjana o cenach)

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Jaroszynski A.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2010

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tom 9

35-38

EN

The author proposes corrections to the recent Polish translation of Diocletian's Edictum de pretiis, concerning the terms duracina and moneaea.

11

THE USE OF RHETORIC IN HAGIOGRAPHY - THE CASE OF THE LIFE OF SYMEON THE FOOL BY LEONTIUS OF NEAPOLIS (Retoryka w sluzbie hagiografii w Zywocie Szymona Glupka)

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Jasinski D.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2010

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tom 9

39-62

EN

The aim of my article is to analyse the rhetorical features in the Life of Symeon the Fool, written in the 640s by Leontius, the bishop of Neapolis of Cyprus, or to be more precise, in the second part of it, which is devoted to the conduct of Symeon in the Syrian town of Emesa. The article gives special attention to all elements characteristic of the late antique rhetorical education, namely the progymnasmata - school exercises that trained the student's style of writing, also used by the hagiographers. At a closer look one can find interesting examples of diegema, which add up to a carefully thoughtout sequence of episodes. I argue that it is not as haphazard as has been hitherto accepted.

12

ON ARIANISM OF EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA AGAIN - A STANDPOINT IN THE DISCUSSION (O arianizmie Euzebiusza z Cezarei raz jeszcze - glos w dyskusji)

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Toczko R.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2009

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tom 8

101-126

EN

This paper deals with the alleged Arianism of Eusebius of Caesarea (ca. 250-339), author of the first Ecclesiastical History. The charge of Arianism was common since the breakout of this heresy in the second decade of the 4th century. While the shrewdest opponent of the Arians was Athanasius the Great, he does not associate Eusebius directly with the rest of the followers of Arius. It is, then, useful to come out with the new treatment of the Arians. These new ramifications are based on the twofold concept of the Arian, as either someone taking part in the political actions of the group of Eusebius of Nicomedia and Arius, or someone sharing the most important theological notions with Arius. The whole argument is to show that Eusebius of Caesarea in neither of the two senses can be justly recognized as an Arian. His political defense of Arius is motivated mostly by the idea of new era of peace in Church. It just started with the arrival of Constantine. On the other hand, his theological views are deeply rooted in the theology of Origen, and not up-to-date exegesis of the Scriptures. The old historian, exegete and apologist was too busy with his preoccupations to be a part of the Arian movement.

13

THE ELECTIONS OF BISHOPS IN EGYPT IN THE 5TH AND 7TH CENTURIES (Wybory biskupow w Egipcie w V-VII w.)

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Wipszycka E.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2010

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tom 9

189-220

EN

The main purpose of this paper is to gather all the available evidence on the elections of bishops in Egypt in the 5th and 7th centuries. No attempt at exhaustive research in this domain has ever been undertaken in the past; many sources have been neglected up to now. From the evidence collected by the author it appears that two factors were decisive in shaping the peculiar character of episcopal elections in Egypt: (1) the extremely large power of the bishop of Alexandria, which gave him the exclusive right to choose the men to be ordained for all the sees of Egypt, whereas outside Egypt the bishop for a given see was elected by the clergy, the notables and the people of the town and by the bishops of the neighbouring towns; (2) the Christological controversies that caused the rise of two patriarchates in Alexandria, belonging to two dogmatic camps, as well as - since the reign of Justinian - the rise of two parallel hierarchies in Egypt, one Monophysite and one Chalcedonian. Special attention has been given in this paper to the sources concerning Alexandria, in order to establish what the ecclesiastical and social forces were that played a role inthe election of the patriarch. This makes it possible to understand that the ways in which the emperor intervened in this process were much more complicated and subtle than previously thought.

14

THE MAIUMA FEAST AND ITS CRITICISM IN JULIAN'S MISOPOGON (Swieto Maiuma i jego krytyka w Misopogonie Juliana Apostaty Julian w Antiochii Syryjskiej)

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Nowakowski P.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2010

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tom 9

115-145

EN

The author analyses Greek and Latin sources which are concerned with the Maiuma feast, however the Syriac ones are also briefly discussed. The article aims to show the main features of this event and to explain the reluctant attitude of Emperor Julian towards it. It seems rather improbable that the Maiuma can be identified with the 'ponera heorte' in Daphne described by Libanius (Or., L 11) or with other outwardly similar ones: the 'panegyris ton Bryton' celebrated in Constantinople, the feast in Edessa described by Joshua the Stylite or the theatrical event condemned by Severus of Antioch. Moreover the author argues that there is no premise for suspecting that the licentious Antiochean water show described by John Chrysostom is the same as the Maiuma. The second part of the article shows the Maiuma in the context of Julian's thoughts about 'heortai' and 'panegyreis'. Two reasons for the criticism are considered: the economic one, caused by the financial troubles of Antioch, and the ideological one, resulting from the emperor's morality and his devotion to sophrosyne, which was the main reason for the growing conflict between him and the Antiocheans (Misop., 345D, 346).

15

ABLABIUS 'DESCRIPTOR GOTHORUM GENTIS' (Ablabius 'descriptor Gothorum gentis egregius' - continuatus)

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Janiszewski P.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2010

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tom 9

157-158

EN

A response to the article of Jan Prostko-Prostynski published in the same issue of the journal.

16

Arabskie wersje późnoantycznych komentarzy do pitagorejskiego Złotego poematu

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Izdebska A.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2012

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tom 11

7-53

EN

The aim of this paper is to assess the authenticity of two Arabic commentaries on the Pythagorean Golden Verses attributed to Iamblichus and Proclus and unpreserved in Greek original. First, the Greek, Latin and Arabic traditions potentially referring to such a text are discussed. Second, the structure and the philosophical content of the commentaries are analysed, their key loci being compared to Greek works commenting on the poem. As a result, Pseudo-Iamblichus’s commentary turns out to be written or compiled by an author who did not have access to the Greek text of the poem and must have composed his text in Arabic. As for Pseudo-Proclus’s commentary, it seems to be a real translation of the Greek text, its authorship can tentatively be attributed to Proclus or another late antique Platonist. Both texts turn out to be very good examples of what the medieval Graeco-Arabic translation movement really was.

17

Teoderyk Wielki a schizma akacjańska w świetle Liber Pontificalis

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Ożóg M.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2012

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tom 11

107-126

EN

The purpose of this paper is to present the role which Theodoric the Great played in the Acacian schism. On the basis of the information included in the Liber Pontificalis and comparisons made with other contemporary sources, I would like to demonstrate that the above-mentioned schism was beneficial for Theodoric, as it counteracted the unification of the Catholics to the detriment of the Arians. However, it is concerned not only with the religious aspect of this problem, but also with its political dimension, since Arianism was the national religion of Goths. The way in which the schism ended was not advantageous to Theodoric, because it disturbed the arrangement of power worked out so far and affected the attitude of the unified churches of Rome and Constantinople to the Arians, which is confirmed by the emperor Justin’s later politics towards Arians.

18

„A los padł na biskupów”. Na marginesie rozważan o stosunku do rzucania losów w późnej starożytności

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Kosiński R.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2012

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tom 11

55-58

EN

This paper makes reference to Robert Wisniewski’s article concerned with the resignation from the practice of episcopal election by lot, apparent in Late Antiquity. This shift is puzzling, given the fact that New Testament offers the example of Matthias thus elected as the apostle replacing Judas (Acts 1: 26). Wisniewski explains this circumstance predominantly by the preeminence of bad connotations and associations with fortune-telling and divination. However, in the Vita Euthymii 45, Cyril of Scythopolis states that the monks, who were opposed to the decrees of the Council of Chalcedon, followed the example described in the Acts and cast lots in order to take a decision on entering into communion with the pro-Chalcedon bishops. The author does not see anything wrong in the method used by the monks and approves it wholeheartedly, considering the outcome as a sign of Divine Providence. Therefore, in all probability, the discontinuation of the procedure in Late Antiquity did not result from any associations with pagan rites or gambling; it was rather due to the fact that there had already existed a different, and well-entrenched, form of episcopal election in Christian tradition, in that particular period.

19

ACACIUS, BISHOP OF CONSTANTINOPLE IN THE YEARS AD 472-489 (Dzieje Akacjusza, patriarchy Konstantynopola w latach 472-489)

88%

Kosinski R.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2010

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tom 9

63-97

EN

The article is devoted to Acacius, the controversial bishop of Constantinople in the years 472-489. It is concerned primarily with his views and the role he played in the dispute over the validity of the decisions of the Council of Chalcedon and the causesof the break-up of the ecclesiastical communion between Constantinople and Rome. An analysis of the sources indicates that the bishop supported the followers of theCouncil throughout his tenure. This was particularly evident during the usurpation of Basiliscus in 475-476. His pro-Chalcedonian position reflected his religious convictions, not the desire to retain the privileges of the see of Constantinople granted at the Council of Chalcedon, as suggested by the contemporary historiography. The cause of the Acacian schism was Constantinople's recognition of Peter Mongos as Bishop of Alexandria, not the Henoticon drawn up by Acacius in AD 482.

20

Wpływ Patrycjusza Aspara na cesarską elekcję Leona

88%

Urbaniec A.

U Schyłku Starożytności. Studia Źrodłoznawcze

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2012

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tom 11

173-201

EN

The article is concerned with the participation of Flavius Aspar, a military commander and patrician in the Eastern Roman Empire, in the Emperor Leo’s election. After a detailed investigation of various source traditions which give information on the election of 457, it proceeds to an analysis of factors leading to the Alan commander’s exceptional position in the power structure of the Empire. The main thesis of the article is that the holding of the highest-ranking military and civil offices by the two figures of the Ardabur family allowed Aspar to achieve the election of an ordinary tribune. This view is further confirmed by a discussion of Leo I’s appointment policy pursued in the years 458–465, which resulted in the monopolization of the state administration by the Ardabur family and their followers, as well as to certain legislative initiatives undertaken by Aspar.