Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

(NEVER)ENDING STORY, I.E. CHECHEN WAR ((Nie) konczaca sie historia, czyli wojna czeczenska)

100%

Przybyla K.

Myśl Ekonomiczna i Prawna

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2009

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nr 3(26)

77-95

EN

The article deals with the Russian-Chechen conflict which took place after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Its aim is to present the factors that influenced the conflict, arguments of the parties to the conflict and the attitude of the main superpowers - which was determined by political and economic interests - and organizations towards the problem. In order to do that, the authoress analyzes the issue reading available publications and source materials. The analysis shows that the conflict does not have a clear-cut nature. The basic human rights are pushed into the background while the particular interests of superpowers get the upper hand. The lack of real action of the international community had an impact on the situation of refugees, Chechnya's citizens and the whole Caucasus. So the superpowers and international organizations are losers, too - they compromised themselves when they were confronted with the problem as their actions were connected with, among others, economic interests in the region. On the other hand, having launched some terrorist attacks, the Chechens discredited themselves in the eyes of the public opinion. Today, they also fight a lost battle for independence. But the subsequent generations of Chechens living in exile or in the devastated Chechnya can change the situation.

2

TREEDOM IN THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD (Wolnosc we wspólczesnym swiecie)

100%

Pilch W.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2009

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nr 1(330)

15-38

EN

The problem of freedom in the contemporary world is no longer a question of independence. 'Contemporary' freedom resembles a continuous and repeatedly undertaken process of dialogical agreement between parties to a debate, e.g. supranational communities, states, or other subjects of public life, such as institutions and associations. Freedom also pertains to relations and bonds, so it has to do with the 'relational' matter that unites people. It consists in creating and building, and so cannot be labeled as a fact. To struggle for freedom today means to seek and find possibilities of communication, agreement and consensus. Autonomy, sovereignty and solidarity between people are therefore the fundamental correlates of freedom. Only an agent (e.g. a person or state) strong in one's autonomy and independent in one's reasons (interests, rights), self-conscious and responsible, can create bonds and relations of solidarity, which means such bonds and relations that social activity is directed towards a common good and becomes a value in itself, a value of people's public life.

3

THE CASE OF KOSOVO AND INTERNATIONAL LAW

100%

Sturma P.

Polish Yearbook of International Law

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2009

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tom 29

51-63

EN

The author focuses on the question of the independence of the Kosovo. The matter of the Kosovo's independence has been and remains very controversial. International law is the only universally acceptable language for discussing such a controversial issue, one where the international community of states at large, as well as the smaller and closer communities of the EU and NATO member states, seem to be deeply divided. It is important to admit the failure of the UN Security Council, its subsidiary bodies, and in particular some permanent members of the SC, as well as other States which encouraged or at least made possible the legal morass by recognizing the unilateral declaration of independence by Kosovo. We can hope that the International Court of Justice, as the principle judicial organ of the United Nations, will remedy the failure of other UN bodies and bring international law back on the scene. The Court is not able to change the factual situation in Kosovo, but it can provide legal guidance for a sustainable solution.

4

КАЙЗЕРОВСКАЯ ГЕРМАНИЯ У ИСТОКОВ НЕЗАВИСИМОСТИ ГРУЗИИ

100%

Chachava V.

Annales Scientia Politica

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2014

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tom 3

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nr 2

42 – 47

EN

The article reflects the influence of imperial Germany on the struggle for independence and democracy in Georgia (1901 – 1921). It analyses also the international activity of political organizations of Georgia and the conditions of the agreement, which made Germany the guarantee of the Georgian independence.

5

Demokracja i demony

100%

Chęcińska A.

Euro-Facta

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2010

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tom 2. Kultura a komunikacja

297-336

EN

Equality, liberty, tolerance and open society are the most important democratic ideals and rules, which guarantee respect for human dignity, the basis of the natural and unalienable low. This values are the main democratic principle and breaking them means that the regime can not be fully realized. As a result of this values certain risk appears, which is not directly undermining the democratic basis, but defining its quality. Although noticing these demons does not create fast changes, it might has meaning for the democratic development as an idea, which is not an eternal system, but a process taking, which takes under consideration human morality development. Equality guarantees the value of human life, what is more it might provoke diversity disappear and change pluralism for homogenic system. Liberty guarantees respect for the individualism and individual choices but if it is interpreted as a right for a good choices it can produce a despotism. Tolerance is a not precise term what makes describing the limits of its use difficult. Open society which is a consequence of applying the three mentioned rules is vulnerable to risk coming from the lack of acceptation for its values. Democracy as a system of values depends on making the values principle. How far realizing and enforcing the basic democratic values is possible stays an open question.

6

On Sartre in Poland in 1948 - 1969

100%

Bednarz I.

Przegląd Filozoficzny. Nowa Seria

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2005

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tom 14

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nr 4(56)

97-121

EN

Sartre was an immensely popular intellectual figure in Poland for over two decades. He had shown much interest in social experiments that were conducted in the communist countries at that time but, perhaps wisely, he never made clear what he thought of them. His interest was appreciated and welcome. His seminal pamphlet 'L'existentialism est un humanism' made a great impact on some of the Marxist in Poland who began to suspect that communism may tend to suppress individuality, responsibility and a sense pride in strong individuals. As a champion of personal liberty Sartre was an ally to liberally oriented communists, and a foe to dogmatic party bosses. Sartre approved of social changes and strong party rule in economic and political fields. But he also valued personal independence and freedom. For this reason he was a menace to those Marxists who thought he would demolish the system of strict authoritarian rule. The article presents several opinions on Sartre that exemplify these conflicting attitudes.

7

FROM TRADITION TO CREATION: CENTRAL ASIAN IDENTITIES AND THEIR FATES )Od tradycji do kreacji - wymiary i losy tozsamosci centralnoazjatyckich)

88%

Ksiazek J.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2011

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nr 39

83-104

EN

After the collapse of the USSR, Central Asian states together with their independence got the opportunity of reconsidering and redefinition of the vision of national identity that until this time was created through the foreign power. This article considers diverse levels and kinds of local identities in Central Asia and tries to show in what way the contemporary states create a new national and state identity. In new circumstances, a new identity has to be build but it is very often done with old tools, originating from the former system. To understand these countries today one has to discover the meaning of the Soviet rule in this area, the power of the tradition and a particular fusion between these two factors, which lasted through the long time of the Soviet domination. Especially important in the traditional way of living is a framework of a solidarity group. The analysis of the identity dimensions confirms the special role of tribal ties which are a fundamental element of social life and political movements in the past and present.

8

THE ALBANIAN-SERBIAN CONTROVERSY IN KOSOVO: 1980-2010 (Spór albansko-serbski w Kosowie w latach 1980-2010)

88%

Szczepanski W.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2010

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nr 4(337)

139-154

EN

The article outlines the latest history of a former Yugoslav province that less than three years ago, following a fiasco of international negotiations on its status, unilaterally proclaimed sovereignty. Issues connected with tense Albanian-Serbian relations are highlighted, bringing into relief the key moments in the evolution of Albanian separatist tendencies in Kosovo and some mechanisms of the political game played by Belgrade, Prishtina and the international community regarding Kosovo in the 1990s (until the outbreak of an open armed conflict over the province between NATO and Yugoslavia in the spring of 1999). The situation of Kosovo between 1999-2009 is characterized through data on the transformation of this province's legal and political systems and a model according to which international presence on its territory was realized since June 1999 (taking into account the similarities and differences between the period prior to the acceptance of regulations included in the so-called Ahtisaari plan by the international community and Kosovars, and the period following acceptance of the plan in 2007).

9

JOSÉ MARTÍ

75%

Dinušová D.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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2016

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tom 9

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nr 2

86 – 113

EN

The paper focuses on the life and work of the Cuban writer, philosopher and revolutionary José Martí, who left a visible mark on the history of his region. The paper offers a new perspective on his life, his political, journalistic and literary activity. It reflects upon José Martí’s thought, his contribution to culture and philosophy, defining his place in the evolution of revolutionary thinking in the 19th and 20th centuries. Special attention is given to Jose Marti’s attitude to Marxism as a movement which influenced the developments in Cuba and Latin America. The study concludes with a modern rendering of Martí’s work in the context of the current social and political situation.

10

Prokuratura Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej - czas na zmiany

75%

Zieba-Zalucka H.

Przegląd Prawa Publicznego

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2012

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nr 4

24-34

EN

Pass nearly two years since the act from 9 October 2009 when introduced the separation of functions the Attorney General and Minister of Justice. In opinion of the author is time to put the question of how to assess the reform of the Prosecutor Office: whether Prosecution Office after splitting with the Department Of Justice has become an institution independent and resistant to political pressures, and how Prosecution Office works under the new Attorney General (judge), and whether the Prosecutor Office actually became an institution fully independent and free from political pressure? The author shows a good part of this reform, but also indicates the poor and poorly thought out regulations. She wonders what should be the model for future Prosecutors Office. She believes that the Prosecutor Office should have the statute of a public authority. It should also be clearly set out in the Constitution what is the nature of relations with the Parliament, indicating that the Attorney General shall annually present the information on the activities of prosecutors, such as the Ombudsman. The author postulates directions of changes that make the Prosecution will be more independent to executive power. She recognizes the need to put the Prosecution in the Constitution. The article concludes with look at the statistics from the first report of PG after the separation of functions and its assessment.

11

O niedostatkach legislacyjnych w ustawodawstwie polskim jako przeszkodach na drodze do pełnej niezależności prokuratury w wymiarze zewnętrznym

75%

Biczysko K.

Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne

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2013

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tom XI

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nr 2

31-46

EN

This article attempts to answer the question whether the legal status currently existing in Poland allows a fully independent functioning of the Public Prosecutor’s Office in the external dimension, that is one assuming independence in its relations with other entities. Accordingly, the author makes a few comments on the respective legal regulations that result from both the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the ordinary legislation, including – in particular – the amendments introduced into the Law on Public Prosecutor’s Office by the Act of 9 October 2009. While not undermining the general principles, in compliance with which there followed a separation of the functions of the Minister of Justice and those of Prosecutor General, the author first identifies a number of gaps in the legislation which do not allow for a full independence of the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and then offers some suggestions of amendments in this respect. The article concludes with a reflection of the need for further modification of the existing regulations in the legislation.

12

Dwie ojczyzny — dwa patriotyzmy (Słowacki–Norwid)

75%

Inglot M.

Prace Literackie

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2011

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tom 51

85-107

EN

In their writings the great Polish Romantics, Mickiewicz and Słowacki, first of all tackled the question of Poland’s independence and democratic transformations that were to achieve that objective. They distrusted the economic and civilisational changes taking place in western Europe and stressed Poland’s uniqueness, its distinctiveness when compared with the rest of Europe. In developing the views of Mickiewicz as the author of Konfederaci barscy, Słowacki particularly glorified the so-called gentry democracy and advocated a vision of Poland as a homeland chosen by God and made a guiding star for peoples on their way to liberation from the bondage of the Holy Alliance. Both poets were adherents of Jagiellonian Poland, a Poland of three nations and it was through such Poland that they imagined the future of Europe. Norwid wrote in conscious opposition to the “giants,” at the same time regarding himself as their successors in national leadership. What mattered for him first of all were Poles the citizens, less so Poles the patriots. His concept of “citizenship” was far removed from noblemen’s sarmatism (and the notion that “a nobleman’s home is his castle” or that there is no man that a nobleman would think of as a superior) and close to Enlightenment views on the matter. For him, too, Poland was a chosen nation but under the law of salvation covering the entire Christian Europe. Poland’s role in Europe was measured only by Poland’s contribution to a European community, like Jan III Sobieski’s relief of Vienna. It was to this community that Poland owed its identity. Our homeland was based primarily on Judeo-Christian and ancient traditions, and these traditions — linked first of all to ancient and Christian Rome — were to be the dominant traditions for us. Norwid was opposed to the idea of Poland’s leading role in the transformation of the world and he saw our homeland as part of a future united Europe of equal, democratic nations.

13

THE DEVELOPMENT OF LAW IN INDIA

63%

Kulcsar K.

Tarsadalomkutatas (Social Science Research)

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2008

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tom 25

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nr 1

57-82

EN

Society is the decisive force in the relationship between law and society, with its historically developed specificities, economic, political and cultural features. In the early history of a culture and in its first, longer and shorter period of development the social emergence of law is usually related to the given culture and to politics appearing within it, as well as with the unfolding of religion. Consequently politics and its organisation (even if at a rudimentary stage) develop jointly, and law mostly has a religious nature. (Kulcsar, 1982). At a later phase of development religion, politics and law are separated, and are distanced from each other at a pace depending on the speed of cultural development. The relationship between politics and law, however, endures and persists, while religion would be distanced after some shorter or longer period of time, with the emergence of civil society. If they remain in a closer relationship due to the nature of the given society and under cultural effects, the influence of religion, besides politics, would be felt more strongly in law. In the present-day India religion and politics are still significantly linked, despite some signs to the contrary. According to the author's personal experience the country did not present itself as religious in the common sense of the term, yet several religious traditions (Buddhism, Hinduism, etc.) have been markedly present in thinking. Traditional Hindu religion is still very strong in the country, and its significance has politically grown.

14

INDEPENDENCE AS A FACTOR STABILIZING SERBIAN-ALBANIAN RELATIONS IN KOSOVO (Niepodleglosc jako czynnik stabilizujacy relacje serbsko-albanskie w Kosowie)

63%

Sokolowska P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2010

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nr 4(337)

155-177

EN

The proclamation of independence by Kosovo was considered by many commentators and politicians to be the only way of solving the problems in the functioning of the state and of overcoming the Albania-Serbian conflict. The author, referring to the concepts of sovereignty and statehood, analyzes whether the now independent state is a sovereign and equal subject on the international arena. She also investigates the problem of territorial integrity and efficient power as the necessary conditions of state functioning. The author explains to what extent the authorities of Kosovo represent the will of the sovereign, i.e. the people who live on its territory. The analysis includes not only Albanians, but also the largest minority in Kosovo, viz. the population of Serbian nationality. In the context of Albanian-Serbian relations in Kosovo it is investigated whether the state warrants Serbs all the constitutional rights and an appropriate level of economic development, as well as how far mutual relations between the two nations have improved.

15

WOMEN FIGHTING IN THE RISORGIMENTO WARS (Donne-Guerriere Nella Lotta Risorgimentale)

63%

Cilloni G.

Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny

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2010

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tom 57

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nr 4

463-473

EN

This article discusses one of the manifestations of women's participation in the struggle of the Italian people during the Risorgimento period in pursuit of the country's independence and reunification. It presents the active involvement of women in armed struggle during the battles and uprisings of national liberation, who wished to actively participate in the nation's history as full-fledged citizens.

16

'ENTLANGED IN VIOLENCE'. 'ZENSKO PISMO' - EMANCIPATOR AND CRITICAL DISCOURSE FROM THE POSTCOLONIAL PERSPECTIVE ('Uwiklani w przemoc'. 'Zensko pismo' - dyskurs emancypacyjny i krytyczny z perspektywy teorii postkolonialnej

51%

Czapik-Litynska B.

Porównania

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2009

|

tom 6

165-177

EN

The article describes chosen Yugoslavian and post-Yugoslavian texts 'zenskog pisma' - women's postmodern literature. Early 'écriture feminine' works revealed matters of woman's body and position in the patriarchal world of male culture. Emancipatory attitudinal narrations soon transformed into critical emancipatory discourse rooted in postmodern theories (Gender Studies, Queer Studies, Culural Criticism, Postcolonial Studies, Subaltern Studies) interpreting various aspects of pressure, repression, bodily and ideological violence. The end of Yugoslavia, the civil war, the ethnic cleansings and the rapes on women resulted in the inclusion of the postcolonial perspective into the attitudinal cultural narrations. Owing to this, the analysis of violence encapsulates new issues such as: totalitarism, nationalism, war crimes and victims. The cognitive interpretative horizon not only includes colonisation strategies and enslavement of the mentality by the totalitarian system of sovietisation but also the hegemony of Western Europe for which the Balkans and Central-East Europe have always been the Other. The authors bring back historical memory, reach the 'white spots', call for a new, responsible, independent and ethical entity that would be able to stand up to the expansive and dominant colonial mind.

17

Odzyskiwanie pamięci i rehabilitacja ofiar reżimów w ustawodastwie polskim i hiszpańskim

51%

Dobkiewicz M.

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

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2012

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nr 5

145-155

PL

The article addresses the efforts of Spaniards and Poles to give a shape to collective memory associated with the period of dictatorships. One of the upshots of these actions is the Spanish memory bill (Ley de Memoria Histórica) and two Polish acts which invalidate verdicts passed against persons persecuted for being involved in the struggle for independent existence of the Polish State and the Act on veterans and persons who fell victim to wartime and post-war repressions. From the text of the Spanish bill one might infer that it does away with Spain of one predominating official memory which eulogized Franco, and replaces it with another one – a memory which is an elegy to Franco’s victims. In Poland, the bills draw on the tradition of independence movements, so as to convince the populace of the will to make amends and to render justice to the aggrieved.

18

„WOLNE ORŁY”

51%

Szostak K.

Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny

|

2016

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tom 42

|

nr 1 (159)

217-237

PL

Artykuł przedstawia pięcioletnią działalność „Wolnych Orłów” (1967–1972) w New Britain w stanie Connecticut. Organizacja ta została utworzona przez Józefa Kleszczyńskiego, Gabriela Piotrowskiego, Ernesta Bijowskiego, a na jej czele stanął podpułkownik Leonard Zub-Zdanowicz. Celem jej było zwalczanie propagandy komunistycznej, nieuznawanie legalności władzy PRL oraz zerwanie wszelkich oficjalnych kontaktów z jej przedstawicielami. W swoim gronie chcieli skupić osoby, które rozumiały groźbę ekspansji komunizmu. Symbolem organizacji stał się Orzeł Biały w koronie z łańcuchem i kulą u nogi. Zdaniem członków przywrócenie podstawowych praw i wolności dla obywateli polskich było możliwe tylko dzięki obaleniu władzy komunistycznej poprzez stworzenie Federacji Państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Organizacja „Wolne Orły” przez okres dwóch lat wydawała w języku polskim biuletyn „Ku Wolności”. Była to pierwsza swego rodzaju gazeta w Hartford (Connecticut) skierowana do młodego pokolenia polskiego, przebywającego poza granicami kraju. Oprócz biuletynu wydawano różnego rodzaju odezwy skierowane do środowiska polonijnego w Stanach Zjednoczonych. W początku lat 70. XX w. na skutek prowokacji i donosów do władz policyjnych organizacja „Wolne Orły” stała się ofiarą przewlekłych inwigilacji i dochodzeń. Oskarżenia te przyczyniły się do jej rozwiązania i zakończenia działalności.

EN

The article presents the activities of the “Free Eagles” (1967–1972) in New Britain, Connecticut. The organization was created by Joseph Kleszczyński, Gabriel Piotrowski, Ernest Bijowski, and was headed by Lieutenant Colonel Leonard Zub-Zdanowicz. Its purpose was to combat communist propaganda, disprove the legality of communist power, and to breakdown of all official contacts with the representatives of the communist regime.The group wanted to focus on people who understand the threat of communist expansion. The organization’s symbol became that of a white eagle in a crown with a chain and a ball and chain. According to the members of the organization, a reintroduction of basic rights and freedoms for Polish citizens was possible only through an overthrow of the communist regime by means of creating the Federation of States of Central and Eastern Europe. For a period of two years the “Free Eagles” published a Polish-language newsletter entitled “Towards Freedom”. It was the first of its kind newspaper in Hartford, Connecticut addressed to the young generation of Poles residing abroad. In addition to the newsletter, the organization issued various proclamations addressed to the Polish community in the United States. In the early 1970s the organization was a victim of chronic surveillance and investigations due to provocations and denunciations to the police.