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EN
The Slovak historiography has been stubbornly ignoring the progress that has been made in fascist studies in recent years. This article seeks to provide an overview of the development in comparative fascist studies, with an emphasis on the “new consensus” historians. The main focus is on Roger Griffin’s definition of fascism as a genus of political ideology, whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism. This article also argues that, if properly used, Griffin’s definition can provide a valuable heuristic tool for recognizing and analysing fascist movements.
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Content available remote Totalitní stát jako umělecká syntéza
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EN
Study, characterizing key features of the totalitarian art conceptions (hyper-realism, monumentality, classicism, popularity, heroism), including the attempt to distinguish national particularity.
EN
The study deals with the somewhat controversial issue of the so-called “clerical fascism”. For this purpose, it summarizes the recent historiographical debates on totalitarianism, in particular on “political religions” or rather politicization of religions in the 20th century. The special emphasis is laid on individual clerics who sympathized and collaborated with fascist regimes in Nazi Germany and the Slovak state, respectively. In applying Roger Griffin’s and Thomas Forstner’s typology, two types of attitudes to fascism and National Socialism are discussed: loyalty and active collaboration.
EN
The study deals with the somewhat controversial issue of the so-called “clerical fascism”. For this purpose, it summarizes the recent historic-graphical debates on totalitarianism, in particular on “political religions” or rather politicization of religions in the 20th century. The special emphasis is laid on individual clerics who sympathized and collaborated with fascist regimes in Nazi Germany and the Slovak state, respectively. In applying Roger Griffin’s and Thomas Forstner’s typology, two types of attitudes to fascism and National Socialism are discussed: loyalty and active collaboration.
EN
Authors argue that neoliberal educational policy has emerged as proto-fascist governmentality. This contemporary technology relies on State racisms and racial orderings manifested from earlier liberal and neoliberal practices of bio-power. As a proto-fascist technology, education policy, and school choice policies in particular, operate within a racial aesthetics that connects ultra-nationalism with micro-fascisms of racialized bodies. They discuss historical examples of liberal school segregation and residential schools in relation to the contemporary examples of chartered ethnic-identity schools to illustrate the complexities of proto-fascist education policy
EN
This essay tries to make a comparative analysis of the political dynamics of Portugal and Slovakia in the first half of the twentieth century (1910-1939) in terms of the significance of conservative political Catholicism. The two countries belonged to a group of nations in Europe in which there was a strong reaction to political liberalism, progressive republicanism, cultural secularism, and socialism. This antagonism can arguably be seen as a modern continuation of the historic conflict between the Protestant and humanist Reformation and the Catholic Counter-Reformation. Its twentieth-century manifestation was of course somewhat different from the original sixteenth- and seventeenth-century conflict. After the eighteenth century the historic force of anti-Catholic Reformation was mainly expressed in the form of intellectual Enlightenment, anti-clericalism, and social and cultural progressivism. But it would seem that in many ways the dynamics and aggressive energy of this great cultural confrontation was continued during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, although in a modified ideological and political shape. The years between 1910 and 1940 were the period when the conflict between political progressivism and Catholic conservatism reached its culmination. In Portugal the forces of cultural secularism and liberal republicanism were defeated by the new authoritarian regime led by Salazar. In Slovakia the foundation and then the end of the First Czechoslovak Republic brought the rise and then the victory of the Catholic opposition movement, the Slovak People’s Party of Andrej Hlinka and Jozef Tiso. The authors of this essay would argue that a comparison of Portugal and Slovakia is useful in trying to understand the significance of the political force of conservative and anti-liberal Catholicism. From a Slovak point of view, looking at Portugal seems helpful in coming to terms with this European and Slovak phenomenon.
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Content available XX wiek — waga dziedzictwa
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EN
The purport of this paper is to highlight the development tendencies and characteristics of the 20th century, which was decisive in forming the found ations of the present world. The narrative underlines the fact that it was an age of wars, ideological rivalry between democratic capitalism versus fascism and then communism, nationalisms and insurgencies for freedom and social change; time when international domination of the United States consol idated and when enormous social, economic, scientific and technological progress was made. But it was also a century of atrocities, often amounting to genocide — so alien to the twentieth-century image of the allegedly humanistic progress.
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