Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Rosja przechodzi do natarcia?

100%

Nikołaj Pietrov N.

Polski Przegląd Dyplomatyczny

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2018

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nr 2

41-50

EN

How Russia would change after march 2018 Presidential Election? Nikola Petrov describes a political system and the form of rule under Putin. He tries to define the future path of the political reform and all possible changes.

2

Russia’s Choice: Change Is Coming

100%

Petrov N.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2017

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nr 4

86-95

EN

The article outlines some socio-political phenomena and trends observed in Russia at the regional as well as federal level. The author concludes that a wise government should conform to objective laws of societal growth, such as the swinging of the pendulum from the centre to the regions, in order to reap maximum benefits from the position it finds itself in.

3

Miński Dylemat Rosji

100%

Menkiszak M.

Polski Przegląd Dyplomatyczny

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2018

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nr 2

51-67

EN

So called Minsk peace process determines Russian participation in the solving of self-created problem with a Donbas. Marek Menkiszak describes relation of Russia with its western partners

4

Rosja potrzebuje sukcesów

100%

Bryc A.

Polski Przegląd Dyplomatyczny

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2018

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nr 2

67-78

EN

System created by Vladimir Putin needs a huge successes and the some positive prediction for the citizens of Russia. Is it possible?

5

The Safety of Poland in the Context of American Ballistic Missile Defense

63%

Waszczykowski W.

Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations

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2014

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tom 1

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nr 1

32-38

6

„Russkij mir” – rosyjska polityka sąsiedztwa

63%

Kościński P.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2015

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nr 1

71-87

EN

In public discourse, the policies of Russian President Vladimir Putin are primarily based on the ideology of „Russkiy mir” (Russian World), which is a prerequisite for the construction of a new Russian empire as a union or a bloc of countries with historical and cultural links to Russia. „Russkiy mir” implies the community of nations and states, but the annexation of the Crimea and the war in Ukraine have undermined this community. Does this mean that the concept of „Russkiy mir” is fading? Definitely not.

7

Kilka uwag w związku z polskim wydaniem pracy Rafała Lemkina, Rządy państw Osi w okupowanej Europie

63%

Dębski S.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2014

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nr 3

113-120

EN

The article has been written on the occasion of the first Polish edition of Rafał Lemkin’s classic: Axis Rule in Occupied Europe, the book which paved the way for the legal protection of entire nations threatened with annihilation for political reasons, often by their own state, and adoption by the UN, in December 1948, of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The author argues that an original contribution of Lemkin’s thinking to development of international and humanitarian law laid not only in his view that the civilised nations should condemn, prohibit and prevent any attempts of deliberate liquidation of an entire group of people as the “crime of crimes,” with which the mankind lost a chance to benefit from that group’s cultural and intellectual contributions in the future. But also it was Lemkin’s determination to collect evidence that made it possible to build logical reasoning corroborating the personal responsibility of Third Reich leaders, including Hitler, for the mass crimes committed by German state institutions in occupied European countries. Thus Axis Rule in Occupied Europe was the first attempt to prove responsibility of Nazi Germany for atrocities committed in occupied Europe through careful analysis of law and regulations introduced by the occupying powers.

8

Cohesion and Flexibility of NATO’s Response to Russia’s Problem

63%

Baev P. K.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2016

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nr 1

22-30

EN

The new strategic reality for the Atlantic Alliance is shaped not by the increase of instability and uncertainty, but by a very definite increase of direct military threats from a powerful and aggressive neighbour. This adversary perceives military power as the most effective, indeed the only, available instrument of policy, and has acquired new skills in applying it in both “hybrid” and traditional ways. Russia considers its readiness to deal with high security risks as an important political advantage, and is relentlessly exploiting every potential division in Western unity by seeking to undermine NATO’s ability to act in a timely and cohesive way. Moscow probes and targets strategic vulnerabilities in NATO’s security posture, and tries to maximise its particular positions of power. Besides the Baltic and the Black Sea theatres, Russia may in the near future attempt to utilise its strategic advantage in the Arctic, where it continues to increase military activities and infrastructure, despite the absence of any threats to its interests.

9

Russia’s Minsk Dilemma

63%

Menkiszak M.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2017

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nr 4

70-85

EN

The essay examines Russia’s dillemmas with the Minsk Agreements three years after the signing of Minsk II, which defined grounds for putting an end to the conflict in much greater detail than the Minsk I Agreement of September 2014. The conflict was to end with a ceasefire, followed by a withdrawal of heavy weapons on both sides, an exchange of and amnesty for all hostages, democratic elections held in the occupied areas of Donbas and its reintegration with Ukraine. This would result in the region’s special status and restoration of Ukrainian control over the entire Russo-Ukrainian border in the east of Ukraine, but so far no provision of this 13-point plan has been implemented in full.

10

Tworzenie się kapitalizmu oligarchicznego w Rosji w latach 90. XX wieku

63%

Ilnicki M.

Prosopon. Europejskie Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne

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2013

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nr 2(6)

151-171

EN

The article discusses the transformation of the oligarchic capitalist system formed after the Soviet Union collapse towards the state-clan capitalism. This process began after the resignation of Boris Yeltsin from the post of the President of the Russian Federation and it continues to the present day. The oligarchs have lost their influence on decisions in the country, and the control of the state authorities has been significantly expanded. This text is a recapitulation of causes and consequences of the events occurring between 2000 and 2012.

11

Central Asia: Under Pressure from Russia and Its Integration Projects

63%

Assanbayev M. B.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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nr 1

123-136

EN

Kazakhstan is the first, but not the last country in Central Asia to be the focus of the aggressive ambitions of Russia’s foreign policy aimed at the creation of supranational integration alliances. Prospects for the creation of a Eurasian Union under the rule of Russia would mean at least a partial loss of political independence for other country-members in Central Asia. Moscow is already actively promoting the entry of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan into all of its integrationist organisations. What are Russia’s main foreign policy goals in the former Soviet Central Asian states? The article is devoted to an analysis of the continuing evolution of contemporary Russian foreign policy, which shapes its regional and international behaviour. It will also attempt to assess the impact and consequences of contemporary Russian foreign policy in Central Asia.

12

“Still-Born Giant:” How Russia’s Faltering Economy Will Stifle the Eurasian “Economic” Union

63%

Vorobiov I.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2014

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nr 4

99-119

EN

The launch of the Eurasian Economic Union in January 2015 augurs little progress in integrating the economies of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Armenia. While the existing Customs Union has been impaired by numerous exemptions enforced by Russia, a common external trade policy within the EEU will be derailed by Russia’s economic decline and expansionist foreign policy. Given that the newly created bloc lacks a sense of political actorness, there is no rationale for the European Union to embark on forming bilateral ties with it or negotiating trade policies.

13

„Privately, of course, there is no reason to doubt that the Russians were responsible” – Katyń w stosunkach polsko-brytyjskich 1943–1981

63%

Długołęcki P.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2015

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nr 1

125-144

EN

The Katyn Massacre has played an important role in Polish-British relations during World War II and in the postwar decades. The first part of the article elaborates on the UK’s activity during and directly after WWII, while part two provides information about the 1950s that shows the UK’s position on the so-called Madden Committee established by the U.S. Congress to clarify the circumstances of the Katyn crime. The final part is devoted to the Foreign Office’s approach to plans to erect a monument commemorating the victims in London.

14

Zagadnienia prawne rosyjskiej interwencji zbrojnej na Krymie w 2014 r.

63%

Ochmann P. , Wojas J.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2016

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nr 1

89-110

EN

The text focuses on developments in Crimea in 2014, with the authors examining the steps launched by the actors in the aspect of international law. In February 2014 separatist tendencies were on the rise in the Crimean Peninsula, which at the time was part of the Ukrainian state, first and foremost as a result of the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. In consequence, Crimea was annexed by the Russian Federation, and the authors look at Russian action from a legal point of view, taking into account the accepted provisions of international law.

15

Bitva u Gökdepe v turkmenském historickém diskurzu

51%

Horák S.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2014

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tom 100

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nr 2

371-388

EN

This article treats the evolution of interpretation of the battle of Geok Tepe within Turkmen historiography. The main emphasis is placed upon the post-Soviet period, when the battle was directly incorporated into the cults of personality of two men who became presidents.

16

Russia and the European Union’s new member states: their cooperation and rivalry in the field of energy

51%

Gardocki S.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2011

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tom 40

173-210

EN

Relations between Russia and the European Union are particularly important in the sphere of the production, transmission and use of energy resources as it is in this field where Russia possesses its key strategic assets, and the European Union heavily relies on supplies of oil and natural gas from this country. Russia wants to be perceived as a superpower by the European Union countries and believes that having such a status will contribute to its further progress. In order to accomplish this goal it should take advantage of its superior position in the field of power industry. In the past, both in the times of czarism and the Soviet Union, Imperial Russia built its status as a world power primarily by using its military potential to expand its territory. We compare this tradition to Russia’s present attitude, the latter is undoubtedly less dangerous and it may become the basis for mutually advantageous cooperation.

17

Russia – Ukraine. 25 Years Between “Limited Cooperation and Limited Confrontation”

51%

Mironowicz E.

Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations

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2015

|

tom 2

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nr 2

27-40

18

Aeolian landscapes of Prebaikalye and Transbaikalye areas

51%

Namzalov B.-T. B. , Snytko V. A. , Szczypek T. , Wika S.

Prace Komisji Krajobrazu Kulturowego

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2008

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tom nr 8

216--230

EN

Aeolian landscapes are typical of the area of Prebaikalye and Transbaikalye. They occur both on the shore of Baikal and at various distances from the lake and they are related to areas of boreal forest and steppe. They are characterized by both natural and anthropogenic origin. The former are more typical of Transbaikalye, where they represent old dune forms at different stages of formation, stabilized by pine forest vegetation. These landscapes probably originated at the end of the Pleistocene and the beginning of the Holocene. Anthropogenic aeolian landscapes are more clearly visible and noticeable because of the geomorphologic processes occurring there at present. They occur in both of the regions and they are related to diverse economic activities of man in the past hundred, up to two hundred, years. The dominating type of surface features is that of wind erosion, which is related to old forms being blown away. The accumulative effect of wind is definitely of minor significance there; this can be seen in minor size and diversity of forms. Vegetation, which is clearly psammophylous, adapts itself to these contemporary aeolian processes. This is mostly herbaceous vegetation, or less often shrubs or undershrub. It creates a range of plant communities and associations, frequently of unique nature and with peculiar features of adaptation of plants to life in heavy habitat conditions.

19

Współczesne migracje na obszarze poradzieckim przez pryzmat koncepcji migracji poimperialnych

51%

Brunarska Z.

Central and Eastern European Migration Review

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2013

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tom 2

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nr 2

39-54

EN

The paper considers applying post-imperial approach to contemporary migration processes in the post-Soviet area. It presents arguments for and against application of the post-imperial perspective to migration studies on post-Soviet states and tries to answer the question whether we can actually label migrants coming from the CIS states to Russia as post-imperial migrants. Domination of Russia among destination countries for migrants from the CIS, special rights they enjoy comparing to citizens of ‘far-abroad’ countries (e.g. visa free regime), Soviet legacy of infrastructural, cultural, political and economic ties between the sending and receiving countries partially justify a post-imperial approach. However, motivation of migrants in the post-Soviet territory being a continuous area may differ significantly from the one of ‘classic’ post-imperial migrants coming to their former metropolis from overseas. Moreover, recent changes on the post-Soviet migration map may be an evidence of the decreasing role of post-imperial factors in determining directions of migration flows and of growing significance of the demand factor.

20

The Eastern Perspective: Russia Towards NATO Enlargement. A Case Study of 1999 and 2004 NATO Enlargements

51%

Bielewicz M.

Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego

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2010

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tom 4

145-151

EN

“[Russia] cannot agree with attempts to move the center of gravity in questions of providing for security on the continent.” Russia’s Policy for National Security (1996)“The perspective of NATO enlargement to the East is unacceptable to Russia, because it represents a threat to its security.” Russia’s Concept of National Security (1997)