Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

Nowa wersja platformy, zawierająca wyłącznie zasoby pełnotekstowe, jest już dostępna.
Przejdź na https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Ograniczanie wyników

1 Roczniki Humanistyczne
1 Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)
1 Педагогічні науки: теорія, історія, інноваційні технології

Znaleziono wyników: 3

Liczba wyników na stronie

Wyniki wyszukiwania

Wyszukiwano:
w słowach kluczowych: collective leadership

Sortuj według:

Ogranicz wyniki do:

РОЗВИТОК КОЛЕКТИВНОГО ЛІДЕРСТВА В ТЕОРІЇ МЕРЕЖЕВОГО УПРАВЛІННЯ У ВИЩІЙ ОСВІТІ

100%

Чистякова І.

Педагогічні науки: теорія, історія, інноваційні технології

2014

nr 8(42)

298-305

High quality teaching and research, the need for active interaction with business and public institutions require appropriate management, such as network management, based on the idea of transformational leadership. Among the new management model, which is especially significant in terms of networking of higher education institutions collective leadership is defined. The purpose of the article is to address the problem of collective leadership in the theory of network management in higher education. In modern Western educational literature there are several points of view to the interpretation of the concept of collective (distributive) leadership: 1) as a way of uniting and transforming it into a single professional community; 2) the qualitative dimension – a coordinated action as «permissible structuring effect on members, leading to coordinated action». The author has determined the following tasks of collective leadership: 1. The transfer of financial and administrative authority from head to all participants. 2. The division of responsibilities between all members. 3. Attracting new members of staff from other organizations in order to acquire new knowledge, skills and networking. 4. Organic division responsible positions between volunteers. Three conceptual aspects of distributive leadership, constituting its essence are defined: 1) distribution leadership is consistent effect of people working together, there is only a system of cooperation and create a situation in which the number and impact of joint actions is much greater than the sum of the individual; 2) distribution leadership assumes that the learning management involved more people than is usual in traditional management structures; 3) distributive leadership carries a variety of knowledge, experience and skill that enables development initiatives within the entire organization with its further development, adaptation and improvement in an atmosphere of support and trust. Much attention is drawn to the advantages and disadvantages of distributive leadership. The author has determined four advantages: 1) responsiveness; 2) transparency; 3) convenience; 4) teamwork. The disadvantages include: 1) fragmentation; 2) a lack of clarity of roles; 3) a slow decision-making; 4) differences in individual capacity. It is proved that collective leadership provides a new way of development - a parallel leadership that is a process where the teachers and leaders, their leaders participate in collective action that embodies a common goal.

Na konci cesty. Československo-jugoslávské vztahy ve druhé polovině 80. let

72%

Pelikán J. , Vojtěchovský O.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

2020

tom 106

nr 1

31-88

This study engages with the last stage of Czechoslovak-Yugoslav relations in the era of left-authoritarian regimes. Primarily on the basis of analyses of archival documents that were created through the activities of corresponding party and state institutions in both countries, it deals with transformations in the character of the bilateral contacts and their most important spheres. It demonstrates that already by the end of the first half of the 1980s any remaining distrust and ideologically-motivated suspicion that had been typical in these bilateral relations since the rift between Stalin and Tito, or more precisely, since the renewal of relations in 1954, had disappeared. Cooperation between the two countries had been further complicated to varying extents by problems of a secondary or rather tertiary degree of importance, such as the Czechoslovaks’ strongly negative balance in payments, the ongoing numerous emigration of citizens of the ČSSR to countries in the West through Yugoslav territory, and Belgrade’s dissatisfaction with the number of students of Yugoslav studies in Czechoslovak universities. As a consequence of Gorbachev’s reform, the Czechoslovak leadership was increasingly isolated from the rest of the world and feverishly sought a new political concept that would enable it to hold onto its political dominance; thus, it attempted to carry several aspects of Yugoslav socialist self-management into its governing bodies. Some of Czechoslovakia’s top political functionaries even began to look upon socialist Yugoslavia as a potential close ally, with which a more intense bilateral cooperation would replace relationship with states in the Soviet sphere of influence that were problematic or already petering out.

System władzy w ChRL w okresie reform: Ewolucja, wyzwania, sprzeczności. Część I: lata 1978-2002

51%

Pawłowski J.

Roczniki Humanistyczne

2020

tom 68

nr 9

67-99

This paper examines the main features of the political system in the People’s Republic of China and the changes in the power structure of the Communist Party of China since the introduction of the reform and opening-up policy. The author analyses the key features of the decision-making process, institutions, model of governance and leadership of the PRC during the eras of Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. Since the beginning of the 1980s, China’s political system has undergone a transformation from one-man rule to a “collective leadership”, facing various challenges in governing the country and upholding the process of reform. The deepening of economic reforms, which began in the 1990s required a significant improvement in the state’s ability to govern and its adoption of a more flexible approach to the Party’s guiding ideology. As a result, China’s top decision-making bodies started to evolve into professional governing boards supported by highly educated cadres, experts and think-tanks. However, the end of Deng Xiaoping’s “strong-hand” rule led to the formation of a number of factions and interest groups within the Party’s establishment, each holding different views on the way, and the extent to which, such reforms should be pursued. During the last two decades, this factional struggle has exerted a negative influence on China’s economic and social transformation, as well as initiating the process of internal decay in the Party. Facing a growing number of challenges in China’s development and a lack of political unity within the CPC, the present leadership has strived to reorder the power structure and streamline the process of reform. Although it has managed to consolidate political power and partly eliminate some of the gravest problems, such as corruption, discord within the Party has prevailed and increased, leading to a visible decline in the reforms over the past few years, as well as to a growing number of voices demanding a thorough change in the political system. This paper concludes with remarks regarding the further evolution of the political system in the PRC, and possible developments in the Party’s leadership.

Autor artykułu analizuje główne cechy systemu politycznego Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej oraz zmiany w strukturze władzy Komunistycznej Partii Chin od czasu wprowadzenia reform i polityki otwarcia. Rozpatruje kluczowe elementy procesu decyzyjnego, instytucje, model zarządzania i przywództwo ChRL w czasach Deng Xiaopinga, Jiang Zemina, Hu Jintao i Xi Jinpinga. Od początku lat 80. chiński system polityczny przeszedł transformację od rządów jednego człowieka do „przywództwa kolektywnego”, stojąc przed różnymi wyzwaniami w zarządzaniu krajem i podtrzymywaniu procesu reform. Pogłębienie reform gospodarczych, które rozpoczęło się w latach 90., wymagało znacznego podniesienia zdolności państwa do sprawowania rządów i przyjęcia bardziej elastycznego podejścia do przewodniej ideologii partii. W rezultacie najwyższe chińskie organy decyzyjne zaczęły ewoluować w profesjonalne „rady nadzorcze”, wspierane przez wysoko wykształcone kadry, ekspertów i zespoły ekspertów. Koniec zasady „silnej ręki” Deng Xiaopinga doprowadził jednak do powstania wielu frakcji i grup interesów wewnatrz partii, z których każda ma odmienne poglądy na temat sposobu i zakresu, w jakim takie reformy należy przeprowadzić. W ciągu ostatnich dwóch dekad ta frakcja wywarła negatywny wpływ na transformację gospodarczą i społeczną Chin, a także zapoczątkowała proces wewnętrznego rozkładu partii. W obliczu rosnącej liczby wyzwań związanych z rozwojem Chin i braku politycznej jedności w Komunistycznej Partii Chin przywódcy starali się zmienić porządek struktury władzy i usprawnić proces reform. Mimo że udało mu się skonsolidować władzę polityczną i częściowo wyeliminować niektóre z najpoważniejszych problemów, takich jak korupcja, niezadowolenie wewnątrz partii przeważyło i wzrosło, co doprowadziło do widocznego spadku tempa reform w ciągu ostatnich kilku lat, a także do wzrostu liczby głosów domagających się gruntownej zmiany w systemie politycznym. Artykuł kończy się uwagami dotyczącymi dalszej ewolucji systemu politycznego w ChRL i możliwych zmian w kierownictwie partii.