Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Transatlantic Relations in the Peak of the Cold War (1945-1956)

100%

Matera P. , Matera R.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

|

2004

|

nr 15

203-232

EN

The Second World War has brought fundamental changes to the structure of world political powers and in sphere of influences. The 'anti-Nazi' coalition was led by the 'Big Three': United States of America, which in 1941 gave up its isolation doctrine, Soviet Union, totalitarian state, and Great Britain, the representative of the democratic traditions of old Europe. With the approaching end of the military struggle with the Nazis one could notice different opinions of the Big Three confining the future of the world order. In author's opinion the most important issues, which created the post-war political order in Europe were: the future of Germany, relations with Central and Eastern Europe and relations with the Soviet Union. The latter was the key to the global politics. Stalin's policy to promote the communist parties in Europe, which gained much support, took part in after-war democratic elections, and joined some government coalitions, brought a fear that Russians would be a key-player in Western Europe. In August 1949 Soviet Union presented the world its own atomic bomb, which ended the American supremacy in nuclear armament. The Cold War created such milestones in the international politics as NATO, Warsaw Pact and European Economic Community.

2

War in Kosovo - A View of an Skeptic. Why the West has given up the Equal Distance Approach?

100%

Warzecha L.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

|

2004

|

nr 15

175-201

EN

In 1998 and 1999 the NATO had a limited strategic choice: to inform that the Kosovo conflict is not in its sphere of interests and is an internal problem of Yugoslavia, which could lead to the international CSCE and UN involvement, or to get involved in the conflict. It has picked the latter. The operation called 'Allied Force' lasted 78 days and has been a military blitz. According to the author, the fundamental question in that conflict however was not that who is right but that one what is the purpose of intervention? What are our interests, which solutions are the best? What are the potential gains and losses? In author's opinion the Kosovo conflict shows a gradual departing from the equal distance or balance of power to one-side support. His theses are comprised in three chapters: Shaken balance, War from a Sky, and Pyrrhic Victory. Among many often forgotten elements, which have influenced the NATO decisions, was the activity of Kosovians of Albanian descent, which dragged the West into the war in their cause. Author encourages the reader to draw conclusions from that conflict in order to avoid such situations in the future.

3

Multilateral Agreement on Investments. An Attempt at Analysis

100%

Niegodzisz W.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

|

2004

|

nr 15

261-284

EN

Since 1991 the Committee on International Investment and Multinational Enterprises (CIME) and Committee on Capital Movements and Invisible Transactions (CMIT) work on joint project of multilateral pact concerning investments. Multinational Agreement on Investment (MAI) is considered to be a new quality in international treaties. It requires from the would-be participating states unconditional acceptance of obligations stemming out of those treaties and defines rules, which the involved states have to apply when agreement on international investment is signed. Such treaties are defining regulations and describing methods of solving problems, allowing the states to bring their cases to the international courts. Often voiced criticism against MAI can be seen as an effect of deep reservations of some nations concerning the world globalization. The critical attitudes can be summed up in five points: 1. Economic globalization went too far. Free movement of goods is not favored in every country. 2. The balance between the state and the market has been destroyed. The corporations have too much say. 3. Globalization is a challenge for a national sovereignty. 4. Globalization reduces transparency and political responsibility moving authority from elected representatives to non-elected international bureaucrats. 5. Globalization limits national and local possibilities making political and economic choices.

4

THE ROLE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE UN IN RUSSIAN ASPIRATIONS TO CREATE A MULTIPOLAR INTERNATIONAL ORDER (Rola i znaczenie ONZ w rosyjskim dazeniu do zbudowania wielobiegunowego ladu miedzynarodowego)

100%

Wilk A.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

|

2009

|

nr 23

61-74

EN

The United Nations is an institution with a vital role to play in carrying through Russia's multipolar foreign policy line. In the eyes of the Russian establishment, the UN is a fundamental mechanism, having a crucial impact on the shaping of world order and security. Increasing that organisation's prestige on the international forum, and strengthening Russia's position within the organisation, is intended to counteract the negative tendency toward preserving the hegemony of one international centre based on a dominant and closed group comprising the most highly developed states, with the USA at their fore. Amongst the operations which Russia perceives as offering the prospect of strengthening the UN and, simultaneously, increasing its influence on the shaping of world order, are its activities to combat terrorism, launched on a wide scale, and with Russia's active support, following 11th September 2001; the organisation's involvement in solving the world's crisis situations is similarly perceived. The Russian government endeavours to utilise its position as a permanent member of the UN Security Council in order to promote a vision of a multipolar world order, since her representatives are convinced that multipolarity, based on the provisions of the international law developed by the UN will provide the most just and secure international order for the 21st century, an order within which every state will make its own contribution toward building a world free from violence and confrontation.

5

Polish-Dutch Relations During the Cold War. Seen from The Hague

100%

Zelichowski R.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

|

2004

|

nr 15

233-260

EN

The Polish-Dutch relations have been shaped by the course of the international politics in Europe. After a period of rebuilding of the diplomatic structure in The Hague came a period of organization of permanent diplomatic services. The services were aimed not only at relations between the two respective governments but also at the thousands of Poles which lived here before the war or stayed in Holland with the 1st Armored Division of general Stanislaw Maczek when the war was over. The relations between official representatives of People's Republic of Poland and Poles were bad. The Cold War had victims on all fronts. Poles were afraid to return to communist Poland and had to decide to pick the land to begin the new life in. Some of them immigrated to the U.S., some went to Australia, Brazil, France and Germany to work in the coalmines. The official reports from the Polish embassy in The Hague show the feeling of isolation not only from the Polish emigrants but also from the Dutch political elites. The low-key relations, which fluctuated with the political atmosphere in Europe, were eased and normalized in 1971 with the new liberal communist leaders in Poland as a result of the official visit of J.M. Luns, the Dutch minister of International Affairs, to Warsaw. This new era in Polish-Dutch relations has ended in December 1981.

6

POLISH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE FACE OF DIVERGENCES IN TRANS-ATLANTIC RELATIONSHIPS, AGAINST THE BACKDROP OF THE CONFLICTS IN THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA (Polish title - below)

80%

Orzelska A.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

|

2009

|

nr 24

213-254

EN

(Title in Polish - 'Polska polityka zagraniczna wobec rozbieznosci w stosunkach transatlantyckich na tle konfliktów w bylej Jugosławii'). The conflicts in the former Yugoslavia provided a backdrop to numerous controversies between the Americans and their European allies. When, in the first half of the 1990s, divergences emerged, i.a. regarding the recognition of the independence of the former Yugoslavian republics and disparate concepts as to how the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina might be headed off, Polish diplomacy avoided becoming involved in the solving of these problems. However, when a position had to be taken, it supported, as a rule, the policy of the EU member countries (e.g., regarding the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia). In the twilight of the 20th century, it was the conflict in Kosovo which became a source of divergent opinions in the trans-Atlantic community. A clear difference of standpoint emerged between the US and some of the European allies, in particular with a view to the legitimacy of NATO's operations in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the carrying out of air raids and the possible involvement of the land forces in military operations. Changing its hitherto strategy, the Polish diplomacy first strongly supported the US actions, and, second, actively participated in the international efforts aimed at solving the Kosovo conflict. The Polish government was aware of the emerging divergences in trans-Atlantic relations. Their improvement was highly desirable, but it was not the focal point of attention. Being aware of the limited potential of improvement and of the geo-political situation, efforts were aimed mostly at ensuring the country's long-term security by joining NATO and the EU and it was these objectives which were accorded priority in the Republic of Poland's foreign policy. When facing those divergences in the trans-Atlantic relations which had as their backdrop the conflict in the former Yugoslavia, the strategy of Polish diplomacy was also subordinated to these objectives.

7

Ewolucja stosunków między Konfederacją Szwajcarską i Unią Europejską: strategia bilateralizmu w impasie

80%

Kozłowski S. C.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2015

|

nr 3

57-76

EN

Switzerland is not a member of the European Union and does not belong to the European Economic Area (EEA). Nevertheless, the relation between Switzerland and the EU reached such a high intensity and extent of interconnections, that they are sometimes called integration without membership, quasi-membership in the EU, or privileged partnership. In practice there is a wide access of Switzerland to the EU internal market, the EU’s research and development programs, as well as membership of the Schengen Agreement and participation in European initiatives and trans-border cooperation. This is the result of the policy of bilateralism by Switzerland and the EU. The problem is that since 2008 one can clearly see there is in the relations between Switzerland and EU an obvious impasse and in fact the policy of bilateralism can’t be continued. The author of this article try to explain what are the risen and haw both Switzerland and EU trying to ﬁnd the way out.

8

Stosunki polsko-litewskie między przeszłością a przyszłością

80%

Arlotti G.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2012

|

nr 4

107-124

EN

The article represents an attempt to better understand the problems behind the current state of the Polish-Lithuanian relations and to identify desirable changes in this domain. For this purpose, the first part of the article provides a brief overview of the past relations of the two nations. Then, the author analyses the current state of the cooperation between Poland and Lithuania, with particular emphasis on economic cooperation. In the penultimate section, the effects of the unsatisfactory political cooperation on the economic cooperation are illustrated on the example of the Polish investment in the refinery in Mažeikiai. The last part contains conclusions and recommendations for future cooperation.

9

Projekt sloučení Srbska a Černé Hory v mezinárodních vztazích před vypuknutím „Velké války“ (srpen 1913 – červen 1914)

80%

Proks P.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

|

2009

|

tom 95

|

nr 3

289-304

EN

In the early 20th century, Russia attempted to establish a 'Balkan Coalition' of friendly and subordinated states against Austria-Hungary and Turkey. Objective of the 'Balkan Coalition' was unification of Serbia and Montenegro. Austria-Hungary, Germany and Italy opposed the Russian scheme. Austria-Hungary eventually agreed with unification of Serbia and Montenegro in exchange for its own interest in the Balkans, but Italy strongly disapproved. The project of Serbia's and Montenegro's unification became acute during conflicts between the Great Powers (Entente and Triple-Alliance) and disturbed the cohesion of the Triple-Alliance. Simultaneously, this project opened a chance for Russia to directly put its foot in solving problems in the Balkans. Before long, Russia militarily supported Serbia against an Austrian-Hungarian attack. Subsequently, the Great Powers of the Entente and Triple-Alliance signed mutual ally treaties and started the 'Great War'.

10

WORLD IN TRANSITION AS AN INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENT OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

80%

Milczarek D.

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

|

2010

|

tom 13

19-39

EN

The aim of this article is to make an attempt at characterising the international environment of the EU. The shape and evolution of this environment is of great significance, as the processes taking place in the contemporary world are important factors influencing the course of European integration. The characteristics of the major features of present international relations is followed by the analysis of transformations in the global distribution of power, divided into sections focusing on economic, military and political power.

11

Teoria elementów semistrukturalnych

80%

Dybczyński A.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2011

|

tom 12

82-107

EN

The article discusses the theory of the relationships, developed by Glenn H.Snyder. The relationships are alliances and alignments, common and conflicting interests, capabilities and interdependence. All four phenomena are well known in the theory of international relations. However, they have not been combined into one theory. According to Snyder, these phenomena work as the transmission belt between the level of a structure of international system and the level of actors’ interactions. Thus, they can be put into the framework of the level-of-analysis problem in international relations. The analysis of the theory, with the presentation of its strengths and weaknesses, delivers a useful tool for the analysts and scholars to both explain and predict the development of international relations. Within the theory, the matrix of interactions is also offered. It sets the framework for analysis of different types of behaviors of international actors. The theory itself, however abstract and not easy to apply, helps to develop the realist perspective on international relations theory in particular and the discipline in general.

12

SOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS DETERMINING INDIA'S POSITION IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION

80%

Zajaczkowski J.

Asia and Pacific Studies

|

2007

|

tom 4

137-156

EN

The end of the Cold War, globalization, internal and external factors have determined India's international strategy and its position in international relations. India, as other nations aspiring to major-power status, not only attempts to improve and expand its economic and military potential, but also to actively participate in international political, economic and cultural relations. Thanks to its economic reforms, modernized army, developing nuclear programme and geopolitical situation following the end of the Cold War, in the opinion of many scholars, India can already be considered an emerging power. India, however, still faces considerable challenges and constraints. They are connected with both internal (economic, cultural) and international (global, regional) factors, which adversely affect India's position on the international stage. If India is to play an increasingly important role in the world, it must carry out necessary internal reforms, mainly in the fields of education and economy. Fulfilling these conditions, especially the latter two, can determine if India will still be called a potential power, an emerging power, or as some classify it, a power that is 'always emerging but never quite arriving'. Improving the efficiency of the economy, further liberalization, increasing investment, better access to education - these factors will certainly contribute to advancing India's position, and it will also force its critics to acknowledge India's major-power status.

13

NO RETURN? THE IRAQI REFUGEE CRISIS IN THE MIDDLE EAST (Bez powrotu? Kryzys uchodzców irackich na Bliskim Wschodzie)

80%

Wilk W.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

|

2009

|

nr 23

7-28

EN

The American invasion of Iraq in 2003 rendered that country a field on which a five-year battle was fought out between the coalition armies, government forces, the resistance movement, terrorist groups and the fighting wings of the political parties. The brute acts of violence exercised against the civilian population living in 15 of Iraq's 18 provinces brought about the deaths of at least one hundred thousand people and led to one of the largest waves of refugees and internal refugees in recent years. Between 2003 and 2008, as many as 2.7 million people, representing 10% of the Iraqi population, fled their homes; of these, approximately 2 million Iraqis crossed beyond the borders of their country. The number of internal refugees remaining in Iraq is comparable with the number in Darfur and we may indeed recognise that this is a country which has seen one of the contemporary world's greatest humanitarian crises. The article analyses the factors which forced almost 3 million Iraqis to flee their homes; it also presents both the refugees' living conditions in adjacent countries, particularly Syria and Jordan, and the impact of the situation on those countries. In addition to the civil war and the wave of brutal violence against the civilian population, the escape from Iraq was driven not only by the country's dramatic economic and humanitarian situation, but also by the laws introduced by the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) and directed against members of the Baath party. The analysis of the Iraqi refugees' living conditions focuses on their human and material situation, since having spent many years abroad with no permanent source of income has forced hundreds of thousands of the refugees below the poverty line. The final section of the article deals with the prospects of the Iraqis returning to their homeland. The author demonstrates that a mass return to Iraq remains out of the question until such time as the Baghdad government succeeds in putting a stop to the waves of abductions, murders and lawlessness, eliminating the myriad armed groups, and lifting the infrastructure, education and health care out of their current state of collapse.

14

Velmocenské záměry carského Ruska v předvečer „Velké války“ (leden – červen 1914)

80%

Proks P.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

|

2009

|

tom 95

|

nr 1

1-18

EN

Before the outbreak of World War I, international tension escalated and distrust between European powers, which were divided into two antagonist formations, increased. Great Britain, France and Russia formed the Entente Powers, while Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy formed the Central Powers. The Ottoman Empire stayed somewhat isolated; both powers waged a secret persistent war over the empire, which Turkey skilfully turned into its advantage. The tsarist Russia observed Turkey's advance with traditional distrust, because it did not give up its strategic scheme of extending its control over Germany in the Baltic nations, over Austria-Hungary on the west border, control of the Balkans and, subsequently, over Bosporus and Dardanelles, which would secure a free passage from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean Sea, the Middle East and Persia. A firm position in the west was to facilitate further expansion of Russia into Asia Minor as far as the British India and in Far East into China and Japan. The mutual distrust escalated in 1914 and some of the ruling circles in Vienna and St. Petersburg regarded war in Europe as the only way out of the growing crisis of international relationship and internal problems of both conservative royalistic powers. Their problems were caused by expansion of national, liberal democratic and revolutionary movements. Austria-Hungary and Russia both made efforts to prevent formation of a hostile bloc in the Balkans and a potential deceit by their current allies. By waging a war, they intended to put the other members of the Entete and Central Powers before an accomplished fact and subsequently prevent revolutionary changes in Europe.

15

K PROBLEMATIKE VZŤAHOV CYPERSKEJ REPUBLIKY A ČESKOSLOVENSKEJ SOCIALISTICKEJ REPUBLIKY V ROKOCH 1960 – 1964

80%

Ondria E.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

|

2022

|

tom 70

|

nr 2

305 – 330

EN

The theme of this contribution is the beginning of Czechoslovak – Cypriot relations, which were formally established after the birth of the Republic of Cyprus in 1960. We focus on the years 1960 – 1964, which we regard as the years on the one hand of the creation and on the other hand as years of the development of relations on the highest level between the two countries (reciprocally promotion of their representations at rank of embassy). We dedicate increased attention to political relations and a short description of the primary lines or vectors of progress of other forms of Czechoslovak – Cypriot relations. Cultural relations, business relations and scientific and technical cooperation between the two countries were also objects of our attention.

16

INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC RELATIONS OF THE ACADEMY OF SCIENCES OF THE UKRAINIAN SSR WITH SCIENTIFIC INSTITUTIONS AND CENTERS IN COUNTRIES WITH HIGH SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY POTENTIALS (70s of 20th C.) (Russian title - below)

80%

Artemova V. Y. , Blazhevich N. O.

Nauka ta naukoznavstvo (Science and Science of Science)

|

2009

|

nr 3

106-115

EN

(Tirle in Russian - 'Mezhdunarodnye nauchnye svyazi AN USSR s nauchnymi uchrezhdeniyami i tsentrami stran s vysokim nauchno-tekhnicheskim potentsialom (70-ye gody XX st.)'). In 70s of 20th C. the Academy of Sciences of the UkrSSR made intensive efforts to set up international scientific relations, in line with the state S&T cooperation plans approved by the Academy authorities. Main forms of international relations were joint elaboration of scientific problems in the framework of bilateral and multilateral cooperation, missions abroad to carry out R&D projects, study of advanced experience of countries with high science & technology potential, participation in international activities, elaborating license agreements etc. Much attention was given to organization of researchers' long-term missions for work on selected narrow problems. Detailed records on international cooperation of Academy institutes (Institute for Cybernetics, Paton Institute for Electric Welding, Institute for Physics of Sea Waters, Astronomical Observatory, Institute for Physiology, Institute for Nuclear Research, Institute for Problems of Strength), and records of Ukrainian scientists from the Academy, engaged in international cooperation are mentioned. Apart from this, Ukrainian scientists participated in international scientific organizations (60 scientists from the Academy having full membership in the middle of 70s). The Department for International Relations was established within the Academy in 1979, as a step to improve planning and organization of international cooperation, and to enhance the efficiency of international undertakings at institution and Academy level.

17

Systemowe uwarunkowania słabości polityki zagranicznej Unii Europejskiej

80%

Grosse G. T.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2010

|

nr 1

33-66

EN

The article systematically analyses EU foreign policy, which is characterized by weak strategic planning, poorly developed institutional framework, feeble financial resources and implementation instruments. Furthermore, the concept of civilian power is a result of weakness of the EU foreign policy system and could make this policy less credible in international relation. Three main conclusions could be drawn from analyses developed in the article. Firstly, the major cause of the EU foreign policy systemic weakness is the contradictory interests of Member States. Secondly, the UE policy is rather an instrument of support for national foreign policies then the platform of political unity of the integrated Europe. Thirdly, structural characteristic of the EU foreign policy undermine political ambition to lead in shaping a new international order.

18

GLOBALIZATION AS A MAIN FACTOR OF THE EVOLUTION OF THE CONTEMPORARY INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM (Globalizacja jako glówny czynnik ewolucji wspólczesnego systemu miedzynarodowego)

80%

Zodz-Kuznia K.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2009

|

nr 1(330)

61-82

EN

:Globalization is the basic law of development and change of the contemporary international system, giving it a new dimension and intensifying hitherto processes of the evolution of international relations. What is especially significant is the impact of globalization on state and non-state participants of the international system. This impact is ambiguous: it can strengthen some subjects and weaken others sometimes even to the point of undermining the sense of their existence. We can also see a growing impact of globalization processes on the structure of the international system. The formal legal stratum of international order is gradually disintegrating due to a relativization of the common principles of international relations on which it has so far been founded. Also the vertical dimension of the contemporary international system is evolving towards further verticalization of its structure. This is accompanied by the emergence of a new quality in international relations in the form of global problems, i.e. problems which on account of globalization assume a worldwide dimension.

19

Česká historiografie a svět

70%

Pánek J.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

|

2012

|

tom 110

|

nr 3-4

467-481

EN

This article declares that Czech historiography is a?relatively unknown entity in the world (with the exception of neighbouring countries and specialised researchers on Czech history). This is true despite the fact that the generation of living classical researchers created outstanding works even in the period of the Communist regime and the fact that in the recent two decades an advanced infrastructure of the discipline emerged alongside a?solid organizational inclusion in the international framework of historical sciences. This article summarises the positives and negatives of the contemporary situation. It places exceptional emphasis upon 1. Preparation of fundamental starting materials (syntheses, compendia, scientific encyclopaedias) upon which foreign Bohemian studies researchers may draw when establishing a?bridge between Czech historiography and the world; 2. Continuity of translation of important monographs and their introduction into the Euro-American distribution network; 3. The emergence of the middle and younger generations whose most able representatives are achieving remarkable results, which are being accepted abroad; 4. Participation at world congresses of historical sciences.

20

Państwa BRICS w polityce i strategii UE

70%

Sękowska M.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2015

|

nr 3

31-56

EN

The 2007–2009 global ﬁnancial and economic crisis, has become a censure in international relations, deﬁning the moment of the emer¬gence of a new global order outline. There are signs that the Western countries’ economic hegemony is coming to an end, giving way to a new phenomenon which undoubtedly is the group of countries covered by the term “emerging markets”. Of particular importance is the BRICS group – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa - which establishment is inextricably connected with the crisis. BRICS group, being initially only a catchy slogan, on the wave of the crisis trundling by world markets turned into a global economic entity, which is a real competitor for the crisis-stricken European Union. It is therefore necessary for the EU to create a strategy to maintain and develop relationship with the BRICS. The group, however, is internally too diverse to develop a universal strategy that ﬁts each of the ﬁve countries. The starting point consequently is the relationship that the EU has established with each of the BRICS countries individually over the years, and the purpose of this article is to present and analyze them. The author draws attention to the inconsistency of the group and indicates the conﬂicts of interest among the member states. Thought-provoking is the fact that the BRICS as the whole is able to coordinate its foreign policy and bring it to a shared viewpoint. As a result, the EU has started to reﬂ ect on managing relations with the BRICS as one unit. However, the EU vision has not been formally implemented and is not binding.