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EN
Based on the situation of the country, the author refers to some important geopolitical and geostrategical facts and the political aspects of the change. He evaluates the purchase of aircraft, remodelling variations, the question of different models from the economical, efficiency, planning, implementation and maintenance point of view. Based on the professional components - considering the potential of the country and NATO requirements, he says: the purchase of the GRIPEN - which is the most up-to-date aircraft - was a sensible decision.with a help of an analysis carried out by well-known foreign and Hungarian authors.
EN
The article is about phases of access of mobile communication and modular systems, which are becoming more and more important as well as the multiple access of frequency distribution (OFDM). The article summarizes the basics of OFDM radio transmission and modular systems, system technology, application and value-raising information in WLAN and mobile systems for defense purposes.
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nr 1(418)
19-24
EN
Military, police, border guards, as well as fire, customs and prison services are among professions traditionally regarded as 'masculine'. Their range of duties and certain professional aspects made it almost impossible for women to be allowed to do these jobs, there were just a few women doing them. Nowadays it has changed due to both worldwide and European tendencies and people's expectations towards the above-mentioned services. The number of women in military, police, border guards and customs service systematically rises, women make bigger and bigger percentage of all female applicants and officials. As regards various groups within the said professions, at the level of recruitment and selection, as well as women service itself there are significant differences. The phenomenon of 'glass ceiling' is clearly noticeable as regards women taking high positions.
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nr 3
533-574
EN
In connection with analysis of the entry of the Slovak Republic (SR) into the war against the USSR as an ally of Nazi Germany, some documents from the German Foreign Office are already known. They enable us to trace German ideas about the role of the SR in the war, as well as the degree of willingness of the Slovak government to participate in the attack. However, military documents, especially reports of the German Military Mission in Slovakia and the German military attaché in Bratislava, are also important for analysis of the position of the Slovak army in the first days of the war. Information about the ideas of the Wehrmacht in connection with use of the Slovak army and the territory of the SR in the war can be found in them. They also enable us to trace the reactions of the Slovak side. The authors present a total of 18 German documents of political and military origin. The published texts shed light on the question of to what degree the military participation of Slovakia in the aggression was enforced and to what degree it was an expression of the initiative of the Slovak side. Analysis of the documents clearly shows that, from the German point of view, the entry of Slovakia into the war occurred without complications. The initiative of the Slovak side is stated in various declarations. This can be traced in the case of the prime minister V. Tuka in relation to the act of Slovakia entering the war, but also in the decision making about the character of the participation of the Slovak army in the campaign from the side of its leadership headed by the minister of national defence and first class general Ferdinand Catlos. Paradoxically, according to German military sources, the exaggerated Slovak activity in the area of deployment of Slovak units threatened the productivity of armaments companies working for the Reich.
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nr 2
129-150
EN
This study examines the creation and legal operation of the 1912 War Production Law in the Habsburg Monarchy. This law formed the legal basis for the creation and operation of the Habsburg Monarchy’s industrial mobilization apparatus during the First World War. I argue that the creation of this law emerged as a compromise measure between the sclerotic rigidities of Habsburg policy-making and increasing security deficits in the late pre-war period. Lacking the ability to compensate for military weakness ante bellum through armaments programs or conscription due to the structure of Habsburg politics, the Habsburg government instead sought security ex post through enabling the coercion of industrial labor. This coercion took the form of the War Production Law, which most critically created a labor obligation on the part of all work-capable males between sixteen and fifty and granted to the state the right to seize and operate industrial concerns together with their workforces. This declaration of direct state control over industrial concerns and their workers, unlike the other belligerent powers in the First World War, occurred in peacetime rather than during the height of the war. A brief survey of the industrial mobilization measures of the other European Great Powers demonstrates the uniqueness of the Austro-Hungarian model. The parliamentary debate over the War Production Law between government supporters and the opposition Social Democrats further reflected a paternalist and authoritarian conception of the Habsburg state and the role of its citizens.
EN
(Polish title: Królestwo Cypru jako obiekt zainteresowan panstw sródziemnomorskich w latach 1192-1489. Próba zarysowania). Under the rule of the French Lusignan dynasty, Cyprus quickly became the focus of interest to other countries: Sicily under the reign of the Hohenstaufen, Anjou and Aragon houses, Italian countries of Genoa, Venice and Duchy of Savoy, England and African Mamluk Sultanate. Initially the interest was based on political reasons, however, with the arrival of the Crusaders to the Holy Land and then the development of trade with Muslims there were economic reasons for seizing power over the island. What is more, the above deliberation clearly reveals the declining political position of the Lusignan dynasty who starting from the end of the 14thcentury could only observe how Mediterranean countries fought for control over Cyprus. After the death of Peter I of Cyprus (1359-1369), the most prominent king and the conqueror of Alexandria, the period of glory, when the island infl uenced international policy mostly - though not only - in the eastern region of the Mediterranean Sea, came to an end. From then on Cyprus was merely a subject of diplomatic, economic as well as military efforts and conflicts undertaken by Mediterranean countries. The present paper does not assume to exhaust the subject. However, it is an introduction to a broader research on the matter in question which is immensely relevant for depicting the medieval political and economic situation in the Mediterranean Sea region.
EN
The article describes the institution of the Professors' General Meeting which constituted the highest collegial self-government body at universities in the Second Polish Republic. The basic formal and legal conditions for the functioning of the institution are described. The body of the article is divided into six parts. The introduction points to the unique nature of the General Meeting in the context of Polish academic legislation of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century as well as the grounds for commencing the research from the date of 15 September 1920. Subsequently, the system of public academic education is described, including the classification of universities within the scope relevant for the subject of the research, and academic privileges considered unique in comparison with other research and education units are specified. The second chapter discusses the institution of the Professors' General Meeting and its three stages of development that can be identified in the interwar period. The author also analyzes the member roster and its changes in time as well as the impact that the academic groups (teachers, administrative employees and students, including all ranks and categories) exercised upon the functioning of the university, comparing the 1920-1939 period and the Third Polish Republic. The next chapter describes the basic procedures of the Professors' General Meeting. The further deliberations concern the detailed competences of the body with special emphasis put on the reduction of these competences and their classification in terms of dependence on or independence from the approval of the Minister of Religious Denominations and Public Education. Additionally, the specific character of the Professors' General Meeting in one-faculty universities in 1933-1937 is also discussed since the rights of that body in such cases were extended by the responsibilities of the faculty council and the university senate. The article is concluded with a summary of basic facts from the history of the institution of the Professors' General Meeting at public universities in the interwar Poland and an attempt to explain the conspicuous tendencies in its development and the reasons for this development.
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