Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

THE POLITICAL ASPECT OF CULTURAL CONDITIONS FOR THE AFRICAN UNION'S FUNCTIONING

100%

Kownacki P.

Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies

|

2005

|

nr 20

109-119

EN

The author's aim was to present the political organization of the African Union's society and to clarify the reasons for the failure of democratization in Africa. He claims that social cohesion and mobilization in African reality has a different context than in the reality of highly-developed Western states. Establishment of the African Union met with numerous interpretations concerning the effectiveness of its mechanism. Though the African Union was programmed as a political commonwealth modeled on the general political framework of the European Union, it reflects a different process of development of its component sub-communities. While establishment of the European political commonwealth was preceded by creation of the economic and social communities, the African political commonwealth is aimed at initiating and supporting the economic and social communities which facilitate the strengthening of the continental unity. Democratization was to be one of the elements of the civilization-bearing mission coming from the Western world, whose political patterns were presented as universal. Two aspects of African democratization are related to the process of decolonization and modernization. From the very beginning it was pointless to expect in the African reality any analogy to the European reality. The increasing economic involvement of the African state followed first of all from the specifics of the society, which had not yet completed the process of the transition from the tribal society to the civic society. In African states, the society did not yet exhibit full individuality in undertaking economic activity in the newly established state space. Another aspect of African democratization is related to globalization. The policy of African governments in the modernization period was based on the belief in durability of the bipolar model of global political constellation. After the breakdown of the bipolar system of international relations the earlier diversification of the world economy gradually disappeared, and its globalization progressed. Such a change influenced the situation in African countries implying the necessity to accept the breakthrough and to open the economic space in the face of the growing freedom of capital flow. The enforced democratization in African states met both with approval and contestation. African criticism of the democratic procedure points out the external origins of democracy as a political system derived from foreign philosophy, having little in common with African reality. The African commonwealth hopes now to find support in the external environment. However, the regress of the Western open society undermines its promotional ability to enforce and support financially the democratic processes initiated in Africa.

2

WHAT IS PUBLIC ART?

100%

Krajewski M.

Kultura i Społeczeństwo

|

2005

|

tom 49

|

nr 1

57-77

EN

The main goal of the article is to define new kind of artistic practice - public art. The author presents fundamental formulations of this phenomenon in art criticism and history of art, and proposes his own approach. According to it public art is such a kind of artistic practice, which takes place outside traditional artistic institutions and whose main goal is to create public sphere and to materialize democratic order. The article contains some reflections upon public art genesis and evolution and argues that public art shouldn't be defined as another kind of art because it is a very particular specific cultural practice. The author also attempts to present changes of public art in the last four decades and create classification of public art genres.

3

In Search of a 'different way'

100%

Kowalak T.

Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje

|

2005

|

tom 8

77-96

EN

In search of different way (don't confuse with Giddens' third way) of development and making good society author refers to Muslim and Confucian values of East, economic inequalities (the rich getting richer, the poor getting poorer), and democratization process. Cultural differences between East and West consist among other things in stressing on value of community and social obligations or on value of individual freedom and rights. All questions about social order have to refer to tensions between these points of view. What we need is new normative system which resolves this tension in a new and better way in contrast to eastern authoritarianism or western individualism. Etzioni's communitarianism is a good starting point to consideration of possibilities which are still open contrary to Fukuyama's end of history hypothesis. The main obstacles to new better world are economic growth with economic inequalities and other side effects, lack of efficient and effective social arrangements and low level of social capital. The author shows many indicators from global development reports (World Bank, UNDP) and other sources to prove hypothesis of deepening economic inequalities in global scale and in Polish society. He regards this trends as unjust and rejects them on moral grounds. The last part of article considers different strategies of democratization in a bitterly divided world.

4

20 lat przemian w Europie środkowej i wschodniej – próba bilansu

100%

Wojnicki J.

Rocznik Lubuski

|

2010

|

tom 36

|

nr 2

164-178

EN

For over 20 years we have been witnessing fundamental social, political and economic changes in post-communist countries. One cannot point out a single model of internal transformations, which are shaped by complex factors-historical, economic, civilisational, ethnic, religious and political. Although legal and constitutional norms are based on stable Western European democracies (France, Germany), political practice leaves a lot to be desired. One can point out decreasing interest in public matters, diminishing trust in political classes, increasing threats to security, and corruption. Social expectations are being used by new political parties such as VV in the Czech Republic, SaS in Slovakia, Jobbik in Hungary, or GERB in Bulgaria.

5

MĚNÍ SE PATRIARCHÁLNÍ REŽIM V MYANMARU?

88%

Boháčová E.

Annales Scientia Politica

|

2018

|

tom 7

|

nr 1

29 – 43

EN

After the elections in November 2015 Myanmar has had a new and, although some wouldn’t agree, democratic government. And the head of the new government is a woman – Aung San Suu Kyi. In a country where the government had been led by an army dominated by men for more than five decades, there is now a quasi-democratic government led by a woman. Could this fact imply that the situation of Myanmar’s women in general is improving? Does democratization have any implications for a gender regime that has been dominantly patriarchal for decades? And how do the democratisation process and the rising Buddhist nationalism effect the antidiscrimination agenda declared after the abandonment of military rule?

6

Dwa modele rozumienia pojęcia tolerancji we współczesnym społeczeństwie polskim w aspekcie przemian o charakterze systemowym

88%

Dąbrowska E.

Pogranicze. Studia Społeczne

|

2012

|

tom 20

197-210

EN

Tis article presents in what way the specifc comprehension of tolerance’s notion has been formed in modern Polish society and how it is linked with some Poles’ attitudes towards diferent minorities. Consequently, two analytic models of Poles’ behaviors have been shown. Every studied behavior has been typically considered as ‘tolerant’ in Polish society. Moreover, two essential processes have been taken into consideration during creation of these models: frstly, the succession of norms and values, and secondly, the Polish society democratization.

7

AUTHORITARIANISM IN CRISIS: PORTUGAL, CZECHOSLOVAKIA, AND ‘1968’

88%

Poláčková Z. , Van Duin P. C.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

|

2019

|

tom 67

|

nr 1

127 - 155

EN

This article makes a comparative analysis of political developments in Portugal and Czechoslovakia during the 1960s and early 1970s, focusing on the historic year ‘1968’ and its preconditions. The two countries experienced authoritarian regimes that went through a crisis of both a systemic and a moral kind, reaching a climax in 1968. In Czechoslovakia the liberalization policy of Alexander Dubček and his reform-communist coalition triggered spontaneous political and cultural activities among the population, which became a threat to the system of one-party rule. The Warsaw Pact invasion in August 1968 put an end to this experiment and the illusion of reform communism. The analysis of the causes, contradictions, and failure of liberalization remains a challenging subject for contemporary historians. Comparing the Czechoslovak experience with the evolution of the right-wing dictatorship in Portugal during the same period, may help to deepen our understanding of the nature and limits of authoritarianism in Europe. In Portugal the protracted regime of António Salazar came to an end in the same year 1968 after a series of manifestations of political crisis in the 1960s had shown its weaknesses and the inevitability of reform. However, his successor Marcelo Caetano maintained the regime’s authoritarian core and only carried out some cosmetic changes to keep Portugal with its colonies afloat. The Portuguese had to wait until 1974 for the regime to collapse, a short period of time, however, compared with the twenty-one more years that the Czechs and Slovaks had to wait. The extent of political space for opposition activity and the nature of elite disunity are among the critical questions examined in this article, which makes a comparison of Portugal and Czechoslovakia a challenging endeavour.

8

Weak Civic Engagement? Post-Communist Participation and Democratic Consolidation

88%

Pietrzyk-Reeves D.

Polish Sociological Review

|

2008

|

nr 1(161)

73-87

EN

The aim of this article is to analyze the problem of civic and political participation in the post-communist context from the perspective of contemporary democratic theory, the concept of democratic consolidation, and the thesis of the 'weakness of civil society in post-communist countries'. It argues that the institutional approach to democratization and participation does not provide a full answer to the question of how democratic systems become consolidated and thus it needs to be supplemented by the cultural approach. The analysis of the patterns of democratic participation in post-communist countries, however, is further complicated by their background conditions, the burden of the communist past, and the model of democratization that they have undergone. Although it seems that a participatory, civil-society centred type of democratic politics would revitalize and strengthen democracy in post-communist countries, two questions - addressed in this article - arise. First, whether contemporary democratic theories shed enough light on the processes involved when it comes to a democratic change and democratic consolidation in the post-communist context, and second, whether a weak civic sphere is a major impediment to the development of a truly democratic system.

9

MEZINÁRODNÍ VAZBY A VOLEBNÍ MANIPULACE V SOUTĚŽIVÝCH AUTORITÁŘSTVÍCH

88%

Bílek J.

Sociológia (Sociology)

|

2021

|

tom 53

|

nr 1

5 – 25

EN

Scholars have highlighted the role of an international linkage in subversion and stability of contemporary competitive authoritarian regimes. But how does an international linkage affect autocrats during elections? Researchers have suggested that linkage to the West raises the cost of government abuse in competitive authoritarian regimes because it increases the probability of Western governments taking action in response to reported abuse. Conversely, linkage to the authoritarian regimes decreases the cost of repression and manipulation in competitive authoritarian regimes because autocratic sponsors like Russia or China could support its allies internationally. I test the aforementioned assumptions on time series, cross-national dataset with observations of 143 elections in competitive authoritarian regimes between 1990 and 2010. I did not find support for the first part of this argument. Extensive international relations to the West do not affect repression and manipulation. On the contrary, linkage to the authoritarian regimes increases the level of repression and manipulation in competitive authoritarian regimes.

10

Historia: demokracja i współczesność

88%

Kleśta-Nawrocki R.

Rocznik Antropologii Historii

|

2012

|

nr 1(2)

101-141

EN

The objects of analysis in the present article are historical images created by historians and, in particular, by historiographers and methodologists of history. Thus, its aim is to show the process of democratisation within the discipline at the background of the socio-cultural dispute about democracy itself. The material presented enables the revelation that there is a correlation between the image of history and political democracy: the former is dependent on political democracy, and at the same time it creates democracy. Through the knowledge that it generates, through the forms it takes and the content it communicates, history participates in a democratic discourse and constitutes the efflux of existing democratic practices. At the same time, it uses these diversified definitions to describe modern times. Democratic transformations preclude historical writings and knowledge to be isolated in an ivory tower of Academia: through its internal diversity, history becomes the practice aiming at the precise definition of democracy’s meanings. Analogically, modern times seem indispensably useful for history.

11

Constitutional Perspective of the EU–Ukraine Association Agreement Application: Ukrainian Problems – European Remedies

88%

Moskalenko O. , Streltsov V.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2015

|

nr 2

121-140

EN

The political importance of the EU–Ukraine association agreement – to say its vital existential role for the future of Ukraine and the dramatic event surrounding its conclusion overshadowed the pure legal aspects of its implementation. However, the commencement of its provisional application brings legal aspects to the front. At the current state, there is a gap between the Ukrainian constitutional order and the ultimate obligation of Ukraine to implement the binding decision of the supranational institutions established under the Agreement (Association Council and Committee). The successful experience of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which had the similar problems, shows possible solutions to the problem. Particularly, in Slovakia and Poland it was a constitutional reform with the introduction to the Constitution of separate articles legitimizing the status of documents, adopted by international organization, certainly including the Association Agreement institutions and later the European Union itself. This development created important legal prerequisites for further European integration of the countries, which ended up with full-scale EU membership. Moreover, the general trend of consolidating the principles of supremacy and direct applicability of the EU law at the level of national constitutional acts of member states reﬂects the speciﬁc features of the EU law application as well as its inter-connection and inter-dependence with the national legal systems. Therefore at the level of its constitution Ukraine has to accept the speciﬁc role of the EU law as a sui generis legal system. At the current stage the focus is certainly on the implementation of the Association institutions’ decisions, however, in a longer perspective there is a distinct need for the constitutional consolidation of principles governing the inter-relations of the EU law and national law of the member states – i.e. the principles of direct applicability and the supremacy. It is necessary to emphasize that despite the fact that EU law is not binding for Ukraine at this moment, it is important to use it at least as the 60 Ibidem. interpretive tool for the application of the national legislation due to the legislatively set goal of European integration. In this way the Ukrainian legal system will get rid of the limits, preventing it from exposition to the EU legal system, contributing to its independent development towards the standards already existing in the European Union. From this perspective the overcome of the mentioned constitutional gap is of critical importance for the creation of adequate procedures of the practical implementation of the Association Agreement.

12

Region otwarty w kontekście sporu o pamięć polskich ziem zachodnich i północnych

75%

Skórzyńska I. , Wachowiak A.

Sensus Historiae. Studia interdyscyplinarne

|

2011

|

nr 4(5)

47-82

EN

Updating German heritage, especially on former Regained Lands, is related to the complex process of reminding (bringing back) multicultural past of Poland in transformation conditions — democratization and public spirited social life after 1989. This process refers to Poland as a whole, as well as regional and local one too. It concerns both practices revealing open regional policy accepting German heritage on western and northern parts of Poland and contrary ones typical for closed regional policy. In the first case due to open regional policy there appear in public sphere (are reminded) both German heritage — history and memory of Germans as former inhabitants of these territories, and those traditions, especially Polish thoughts related to the west, which used to serve the battle against the Germanization practices as well as promotion of Polish north and west as traditional Polish areas. However, advocates of closed regional policy, contradicting the updating of German heritage on these lands, express demand in politicians and social activist speeches as well as scientists, the re-Polonization of Wrocław, Gdańsk and Szczecin memories. In both cases the keyword is dispute associated with shaping open-closed regional policy concerning the former Regained Lands and arguments which are expressed in this dispute. Appealing to history and memory of Polish western and northern lands and to results of social inquires (carried out by us and other research groups) we present the process of forming the open regional policy in western and northern parts of Poland.

13

MAĎARSKÁ MENŠINA POČAS PRAŽSKEJ JARI A V PRVÝCH ROKOCH NORMALIZÁCIE

75%

Popély Á.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

|

2010

|

tom 3

|

nr 2

105 – 116

EN

With the new arrangement of Czecho-Slovak relations in Czechoslovakia in 1968, the need to address the status of Hungarian minority in Slovakia emerged inevitably. The Cultural Association of Hungarian workers in Czechoslovakia (Csemadok), a revived insitution recognized even by the Communist Party, became an unofficial representative of the Hungarian minority. It demanded the constitutional entrenchment of minority rights under the principle of self-government, establishment of national institutions and proportional representation of minorities in elected and executive bodies. Since negotiations about the definition of the constitutional status of nationalities soon came to a deadlock, the Constitutional Law on the status of nationalities was only adopted after the intervention, in October 1968. While the severely restricted constitutional law caused disappointment among nationalities, their leading representative did not give up hope that they could create an ethnic policy based on truly new foundations. Yet, due to the advancing „Normalisation“ process, their hopes and proposals failed to materialise. The ambition to address the legal status of ethnic minorities on the principles of equality and self-government was a unique initiative that was unprecedented in the former Soviet-bloc East-Central Europe. Rejection of a significant part of the demands by the Hungarian minority immediately before the occupation raises a question of whether further existence and potential victory of the democratization process would truly have created a chance for the minorities to have their demands met in full.

14

SINGAPORE SINCE INDEPENDENCE: THE ROARING OF THE MOUSE

63%

Jean-Louis M.

Asia and Pacific Studies

|

2008

|

tom 5

7-44

EN

Singapore got a new Prime Minister in August 2004 - only the third one since 1959, and incidentally the son of the first. The ruling People's Action Party appears to be as firmly in power as ever before. However, under that apparent immobility, significant changes have taken place. Many are the consequences of a tremendous economic growth, almost uninterrupted since 40 years, and of some of its momentous effects: affluence, higher education level, openness to the wide world. Liberalization has especially affected culture and private life. But difficult, fundamental issues remain unsolved, and worrying: ethnic equilibrium, ideological definition, regional insertion… Democratization, still in infancy, has not made any progress since 15 years, and Singapore has the dubious privilege to be the most prosperous of the world's authoritarian regimes. A detour through the history of the last half-century will allow a better understanding of such a paradoxical country.

15

PROBLÉMY ANALÝZY POLITICKEJ KULTÚRY – SRBSKO, CHORVÁTSKO A SLOVINSKO

51%

Slobodníková M.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

|

2012

|

tom 5

|

nr 2

5 – 29

EN

The article aims at characteristics of the multiple approaches to the theory of the political culture of the Balkan countries. The text begins with a theoretical definition of the concept of the political culture, follows the analysis of the some views on culture and society in the Balkans. The study is focused mainly to three countries of the former Yugoslavia – Serbia, Croatia and Slovenia. The strong emphasis is given on the use of the cleavage theory. The author concludes that the cleavage theory can bring new empirically provable facts on research of political culture of the Balkan counties.