Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Tradice a modernizace v meziválečném Rusku (úvaha)

100%

Reiman M.

Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)

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2006

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nr Sp. Ed.

145-153

EN

Modern Russia can be included in a group of countries of the so-called catching-up type. Russia's communication with Europe was conditioned by its position as a great power, what depended on its ability to accomplish the process of modernisation. During the 19th century the nature of modernising processes in Europe had changed. Russia was loosing its status and power, what culminated in the First World War and the revolutionary events of 1917. The fundamental result of 1917 and the ensuing civil war was the destruction of the old Russian state and social system as a whole.

2

Druhá avantgarda v rusku jako prvotní impulz

100%

Glanc T.

Česká literatura (Czech Literature)

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2008

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tom 56

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nr 5

695-703

EN

A contribution from the conference 'The Second Avant-garde' (part of the grant-funded project 'The Myths, Language, and Taboos of the Czech Post-Avant-garde from the Forties to the Sixties'), which was held on 23 October 2007. The article considers the Avant-garde in Russia in the second half of the twentieth century. It discusses relations between members of the Avant-garde in Russia and in Czechoslovakia, and their mutual impact, and uses many examples in an attempt to explain the special features of the Russian Avant-garde.

3

Historické a současné determinanty ovlivňující sociálně ekonomický vývoj Ruska

100%

Litera B.

Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)

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2006

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nr Sp. Ed.

155-171

EN

This study attempts to monitor the relationship and interconnection between traditions and modernity in the post-war Soviet Union. To the Bolshevik elite, victory in the Second World War 'confirmed' the validity of the already classic Stalinist industrialisation and economic system established in the 30s. Its re-establishment therefore took place without regard for any weak indicators of partial modernising visions that were partly put into effect later, in the spirit of the traditional model. Especially Khrushchev was evidently aware of the necessity of modernisation; however, specific reforms remained fully within the framework of the traditional system. A significant innovation was undoubtedly the increased attention devoted to social matters, increasing the population's low standard of living, among other things. After his removal, a discussion about economic problems and reforms led to the so-called Kosygin's reforms. At the turn of the 70s, highly conservative Brezhnevism, which blocked any kind of change, asserted itself. Attention was then devoted to the relationship between both phenomena during the Gorbachev era, especially in the case of the law about state enterprises.

4

Adlerbergowie w Rosji w XVIII-XX w.

100%

Bogdanow S.

Rocznik Lubelskiego Towarzystwa Genealogicznego

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2012

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tom 4

208-229

EN

The article presents the history of a Swedish gentry family Adlerberg. The analysis of the family genealogy was based on rich source materials: archival sources stored in Russian National Historical Archive in Sankt Petersburg, printed sources and available German and Russian field literature. The author presents the history of Adlerbergs from the very beginnings, i.e. from the times of service for the Swedish kings, through the confirmation of their nobilitation by the Russian rulers, until the moment of the fall of the Romanov empire. Adlerbergs, as many similar gentry families of Swedish origin inhabiting Livonia, took various positions in the Russian army or in different offices of general and specialised administration. The presence of Adlerbergs could also be noticed in the area of Congress Poland of unifying era. The family inscribes into the landscape of the gentry world of the 18th and 19th century Russia.

5

ПАМЯТЬ О СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЫХ НАБЕГАХ И “УБИЕННЫХ РОДИТЕЛЯХ” В СЕВЕРНОМ ПРИКАМЬЕ: ЦЕРКОВНЫЙ КУЛЬТ, НАРОДНЫЕ ПРАКТИКИ, ФОЛЬКЛОРНЫЕ НАРРАТИВЫ

80%

Korolёva S. J. , Kolegova O. A.

Slavica Slovaca

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2020

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tom 55

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nr 3

385 – 398

EN

The article is devoted to the Russian ways to honor the middle age burial, which appeared because of outlandish invasions. Such places operate as local shrines. These graves have chapels and are included in church, common activities and folk narratives. Tradition, presented in the Northern Prikamye is described on the base of chronicles, ethnographical data and field materials.

6

ZNOVUZROZENÍ TRAGÉDIE V RUSKÉM SYMBOLISMU

80%

Svatoň V.

World Literature Studies

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2012

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tom 4 (21)

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nr 1

25 – 42

EN

The inspiration for this essay was the desire to understand the renewed interest in the genre of the ancient tragedy in the Russian symbolism: several poets felt the currency of ancient drama not only as a source of theme, but also of literary (or stage) form. It is interesting that this influence is most evident in the work of the lyric poet Innokentii Annensky. The re-birth of the tragedy emerges from the place of this form in the European spiritual life: the core of the tragedy is the departure point of the European ontology and ethics – the relationship of the unique entity and the whole, in which the entity is submerged. The individual entity is in the European thinking not passively subjected to the super-personal whole, but proclaims its own initiative, while being at the same time involved in relationships whose nature it cannot know. The conflict arises from the fact that the whole, “the destiny”, is not an alien force, but integral part of the entity itself, which is thus unable to grasp it. The understanding of the super-personal force has undergone a development: while earlier it was understood metaphysically as an irreversible moral law, later it was seen as a “world order” and in the epoch of symbolism as a cosmic chaos that the individual must face, no matter what. The role of the chorus, scenes with satyrs and lyrical declamation suggested images of a world full of contradictions, ruled over by cosmic powers. It is significant that only one tragedy by Annensky, “Thamyris Kitharóds”, was stage produced – in Alexander Tairov Theatre.

7

PRINCIPLE OF NATIONAL SELF-DETERMINATION IN RUSSIAN POLICY

80%

Kiľdeyev M.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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2009

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tom 2

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nr 1

62 – 69

EN

The article is focused on the problems of reforming the federal structure of the Russian Federation. The article shows that the gradual elimination of the system of national autonomous violates the inalienable rights of national minorities in Russia, reflected in the Constitution, first of all – the right to national self-determination. Only on territories of national autonomies is guaranteed the minimal protection of national minorities´ s rights.

8

Aféra generála O.- Limana von Sanders ve vztazích carského Ruska a císařského Německa (listopad 1913 – leden 1914)

80%

Proks P.

Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)

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2007

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tom 32

251-258

EN

Before of the First World War Triple Alliance and Entente rivalled for influence onto Turkey. For all Russia observed with unbelief of increase position German officers into Turkey army. Russian endurance 'overflow' in the fall of new chief of German military mission of general O. Liman von Sanders in November 1913. Russia asked for energetic action against German military mission in common with Paris and London. France and Britain did not want risk of war and promised diplomatic support only. London initiated diplomatic action for peaceful compromise and in common with others powers procured of constringency of German military mission out from Turkey in January 1914. This affair pointed dangerously of suspicion between powers, for all between Russia and Germany, in eve of the First World War.

9

SCENÁRE VYÚSTENIA RUSKO-UKRAJINSKEJ VOJNY: DOPADY NA EURÓPSKU BEZPEČNOSŤ A MEDZINÁRODNÉ VZŤAHY

80%

Duleba A.

Annales Scientia Politica

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2022

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tom 11

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nr 2

63 - 82

EN

This article offers an analysis of the scenarios of outcome of the Russia-Ukraine war and their impact on European security. The basis of each scenario is a definition of the interests of both Russia and Ukraine in this war, a hypothetical description of the assumptions of their fulfilment (full success of one or the other country in the war or partial success) and, at the same time, the expected impact of the full or partial success of one or the other country, i.e., direct actors of the war, on the international order. The scenario analysis is based on an examination of the course of fighting in the period from the beginning of the Russian invasion on the 24th February (until the end of November) to identify the degree of probability of the fulfilment of each scenario.

10

Niemiecka Russlandpolitik na rozdrożu? Ewolucja polityki RFN wobec Rosji

80%

Żerko S.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

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2013

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nr 4

57-78

EN

The author is analyzing the policy of Germany towards Russia after the year 1991 and the efforts of the German side to keep the best relations with Moscow. The apogee in this respect was the government of Gerhard Schröder (SPD). The taking over of the go vernment by Angela Merkel (CDU) in 2005 slightly changed the assumptions of the German policy towards Russia, because the pro-Russian SPD was still part of the ruling coalition. In the years between 2009 and 2013, when the ruling coalition consisted of the CDU/CSU and the FDP, Germany-Russia relations worsened because of the aggressive policy of Moscow. It was even spoken of an “ice age” in these relationships, which in the author’s opinion was considerable exaggeration. The foundation of a new Great Coalition (of the CDU and the SPD) makes us suppose, that the policy of Berlin towards Moscow is going to be more lenient, than in the past years.

11

The Russian Approach to the Negotiations between Augustus II and Sweden (1720)

80%

Kosinska U.

Kwartalnik Historyczny

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2005

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tom 112

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nr 4

31-46

EN

A continuation of reflections about the course of the Polish–Swedish negotiations conducted in 1719-1720 (published in 'Kwartalnik Historyczny' 111, 2004, 3, pp. 23–44). The author examined the attitude represented by Russia towards the fact that Augustus II, her heretofore ally, had inaugurated independent peace talks with Sweden. Emphasis has been placed upon the negative reaction of Peter I, caused by an unwillingness to permit the Commonwealth to withdraw from the range of his influence and, at the same time, to realise earlier treaty promises, such as the return of Livonia or the payment of reparations for the Northern War. As a result, St. Petersburg deployed a whole arsenal of diplomatic measures in order to torpedo Saxon-Polish attempts at ending the war independently. The article discusses, i. a. the mechanisms of spreading false information, applied by the Russian embassy in Poland and devised as proof of the faithlessness of Augustus II vis-a-vis Peter and the Poles. The author focused her attention on depicting the role played by the supposed treaty of Dresden signed with Sweden on 7 January 1720 (actually, this was a Swedish project of a preliminary, never confirmed by Augustus II) during the negotiations carried out by Stanislaw Chomentowski, envoy extraordinary to St. Petersburg. The article demonstrates the way in which the Russians used the texts which 'leaked out' of the Swedish chancery to confuse the Polish diplomats, to delay the talks and, finally, to refuse to meet the demands made by the Commonwealth. She portrayed the weakness of Augustus II who, despite vehement dementi and testimonies showing that the charges launched against him were untrue, did not have an opportunity to halt the detrimental campaign pursued within the Commonwealth. The attitude represented by Russia towards Polish-Saxon negotiations with Sweden was indubitably one of the factors which made it impossible for Augustus II to put a formal end to the Northern War, and which considerably weakened his position on the eve of the negotiations held in Nystadt.

12

Středoevropský vliv na školské reformy Kateřiny Veliké

80%

Stellner F.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2011

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tom 97

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nr 3-4

409-424

EN

This study evaluates effectiveness of Catherine the Great's education policy with regard to the number of literate inhabitants and students. As a contrast to the advanced countries, the author declares that the Russian Empire was markedly behind them in the number of educated inhabitants in the 18th century. He also explains why the school reform in Russia failed and compares it with the Austrian circumstances and success. He mentions the backwardness of the Russian social structure, failure to implement compulsory education for all classes of population, inability to provide sufficient financial means and non-existence of capable officers and central administrative body. He also mentions the prevailing lack of interest of the Russian elite in education that developed into an aversion to the reform. The author declares that Catherine the Great refused to come out of the French projects and turned her attention particularly to the Austrian education, which achieved certain success; in addition, the Austrians used some Prussian ideas, which the tsarina found inspiring as early as the sixties. He emphasizes that Catherine the Great was aware of the enormous backwardness of Russian education; however, she could not concentrate on implementation of the education system in the 1760s and 1770s due to the war conflicts. He regards the education reform under Catherine's reign not very successful; nevertheless, he mentions that the number of educated officers and experts slightly grew, which led to the consolidation of the state insisting on serfdom and aristocracy. However, the education was completely separated from the clergy and family competence and became a matter of the state. Catherine the Great's reform supported creation of non-aristocratic intelligentsia and undoubtedly intensified diffusion of enlightened ideals.

13

„Západná hrozba“ a prognózy vojenskej a politickej elity Ruska o veľkej európskej vojne (roky 1910–1914)

80%

Pavlenko O. V.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2011

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tom 97

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nr 3-4

259-279

EN

Initially, the author speculates on the causes of World War I and potentials for their complete recognition. In other sections of the study, she analyzes documents prepared by numerous Russian military and political leaders between 1910 and 1914 regarding preparation of Russia for the upcoming conflict. Analysis of these documents regards development of the Russian leaders' ideas on the anticipated war and its most likely location. The article also comments on the development of the Russian elites' opinion involving Russian potentialities and readiness to solve the international crisis by power.

14

Źródła i konteksty separatyzmu w Donbasie

80%

Gil A.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2015

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nr 4

119-134

EN

This article deals with the sources and contexts of Donbas separatism. This phenomenon has its roots in the history of this region. Adjusted, especially in the second half of the twentieth century, local identity, drifting more towards a transnational consciousness, which can be called industry (professional) or nostalgic (post-Soviet). While, there is a trace Ukrainian identity (in the sense of national).

15

RECEPTION OF JOHAN HUIZINGA IN THE USSR WITH A SPECIAL FOCUS ON YURI LOTMAN

80%

Sidorova O.

World Literature Studies

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2017

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tom 9

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nr 1

101 – 109

EN

The article is devoted to Johan Huizinga’s reception in the USSR and in Russia. Though his works were translated into Russian only at the end of the 20th century, his ideas had been known to Soviet scholars and discussed by them before the translations appeared – works by Sergey Averintsev, Leonid Batkin, Gayane Tavrizyan are referred to. Yuri Lotman, a famous philologist and semiotician, studied the West European impact on Russian cultural development. Huizinga’s context of his works is a complex system that includes references, allusions, common topics and characters, as well as some common sources. The most obvious correlations of themes and ideas that are discussed in the article are the play elements of culture and the everyday life phenomenon which are disclosed and studied by the two scholars, though from different methodological standpoints. Different correlations are also mentioned, but not studied in detail.

16

MUSEUM META-NARRATIVES AND MICRO-STORIES OF THE GREAT RUSSIAN REVOLUTION (TO THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE REVOLUTION)

80%

Chuvilova I.

Muzeológia a kultúrne dedičstvo

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2018

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tom 6

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nr 1

77 – 81

EN

The article is devoted to an overview and analysis of Museum projects dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the Great Russian revolution. Preparing for the anniversary initiated a return to the difficult topic, the desire to relate modern historical knowledge of the Museum and of a concept of Russian history on the whole space of the country. The author selects two main groups of Museum projects with meta-and microhistory, which are disclosed through the regional aspects of the event, the individual aspects, the monologue of a single event or a single artefact, cultural theoretical reflection, personal understanding of our contemporaries.

17

Economic relations between Russia and the expanded European Union. Rapprochement impeded by disputes

80%

Ludvig Z.

Kozgazdasagi Szemle (Economic Review)

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2004

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tom 51

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nr 9

849-869

EN

Hungary's EU accession in May 2004 has made it part of a multifarious system of relations taking shape between the European Union and Russia, with the economic strands, like the political ones, assuming ever more importance. The EU was Russia's most important economic partner even before the enlargement, while for the EU, Russia has importance primarily (and increasingly since the enlargement) as an energy supplier. The appreciating value of the system of relations understandably raises the question of the optimum institutional frameworks, especially commercial forms. A key role will be played by Russia's impending WTO membership. However, the new members will presumably bring new problems as well as new opportunities into the existing dialogue between the EU and Russia.

18

RUSSIAN AND UKRAINIAN ECONOMY AT THE TURN OF 20TH AND 21ST CENTURY IN THE LIGHT OF POLITICAL AND ECONOMICAL CONDITIONS. TOOGETHER OR ALONE?

80%

Brenski W. , Oleksiuk A.

Optimum. Studia Ekonomiczne

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2010

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nr 3 (47)

74-90

EN

The paper discusses the main features of Poland's two neighboring economies - Russia and Ukraine. It focuses on the presentation of basic macroeconomic indicators in the transformation period of 1990 s and in the first decade of the 21st century. The authors formulated the hypothesis that in an era of increasing globalization and integration of national economies the issue of strengthening ties between Russia and Ukraine and the cooperation of these two countries becomes increasingly pertinent and takes on a whole new meaning. Common interests, as well as mental and cultural proximity should become an underlying motif of key motto for Russia and Ukraine in the process of economic cooperation, which certainly can bring tangible benefits to both societies, and will strengthen the two countries in the international arena. The paper is based on the statistical data of the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, the statistical offices of Russia and Ukraine, as well as National Bank of Ukraine.

19

Krótki kurs historii modernizmu w prawie radzieckim

80%

Lityński A.

Z Dziejów Prawa

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2012

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tom 5(13)

121-138

EN

The Bolsheviks had revolutionary conceptions of creating a revolutionary law, totally differ- ent than the bourgeois law. The revolutionary law was to exist only in the temporary period on the way to communism. According to Marks’ and Lenin’s conception, the country and law were to vanish completely in communism. Revolutionary conceptions and revolutionary law started to get civilised and closer to European solutions in the half of the 1930s. Paradoxically, a gradual civilization of the revolutionary law started in the period of the biggest Stalin’s terror. The reality and law norm were divergent to the greatest extent.

20

'LITERARY POLICY' OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN CENSORSHIP IN 1865-1904 ('Polityka literacka' rosyjskiej cenzury zagranicznej w latach 1865-1904)

80%

Kostecki J.

Klio. Czasopismo poświęcone dziejom Polski i powszechnym

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2011

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nr 2(17)

55-69

EN

Almost 4500 new literary publications in Polish (counting by titles) had been tried to bring in to Empire in 1865-1904. The foreign censorship banned from circulation almost 1400 of these books - in a whole or in a part. These books were treated more lenient than others - because in 1872-1904 the censors prohibited only 29,7% of them, when nonfictional publications - 40,5%. The literary works were more rarely than others banned in a whole. The censorship policy towards imported belles-lettres became slowly less repressive, in spite that it had been changing: during 70. had occurred to be moderate, using various bans conditional upon subject; late 80. and the beginning of 90. it was a period of the strongest repressions, but the second half of 90. and the beginning of XX century it was quite successful time for belle- lettre import. The censorship hit books of Polish authors in the most severe way (which consisted of 3/4 of all banned imported works), particularly directed to the people or to the general public or imported for the first time since they were published and didn't belong to any book series. The most banned author was Slowacki and next: Lenartowicz, Krasinski, Urbanski, Poeche, Sienkiewicz (mainly versions adapted for children), Milkowski (T.T. Jez), Wilkonska, Przybyszewski, Abgarowicz, Rogosz, Zacharjasiewicz, Kasprowicz, Chociszewski, Tetmajer, Tuczynski, Mickiewicz, Asnyk, Wyspianski, W.Belza, Przyborowski i Konopnicka.