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EN
The article investigates a completely destroyed copper artefact found in the moat of the Teutonic Order castle in Satoczno (district of Korsze) during the second season of field excavations in 2002. According to Peter of Dusburg, the castle in Satoczno was built in 1326 in the bifurcation of the rivers Gubr and Sajna. For a short time it was the seat of a Teutonic Order commandery. On the 13th of February 1347, during a raid led by the Lithuanian princes Kiejstut and Olgierd, it was captured and burnt down. The commandery in Satoczno was liquidated and the castle never regained its former significance; until the mid 15th c. it was the seat of the Teutonic Order Waldemeister.The artefact in question, weighing 201 grams, was found in the material filling the northern fragment of the former moat, in a layer of watered bluish loam. After a closer examination it turned out to be a completely destroyed thurible, or censer. It is hypothesised that the artefact got into the moat as a result of the invasion on the 13th February 1347 and was crushed by the hoof (?) of a Lithuanian horse, but this hypothesis is completely unverifiable. Thuribles are rarely found by archaeologists, so it is a pity that the one from Satoczno is so vastly deformed. Still, it is a proof that the castle had a chapel, which was the norm, but of which in this case no written mention has survived.(2 fig.)
EN
The second part of the article deals with heretofore unknown descriptions of the southern border of the court district of Pisz, part of the military district of Balgij (temporarily Rynsk), which started on the river Boleszówka, a tributary of the Turosl (Rudna) and then ran eastward along the Kolno Upland. This fragment of the frontier between Mazovia and the Teutonic Order, all the way to the headspring of the Biebrza, was also established in the course of negotiations conducted in Bratian in 1343, and followed the northern edge of the Upland. Meanwhile, in the descriptions under examination we encounter a boundary delineated across the centre of the Upland, from the mouth of the Korczowoda (Labna) to the Pisa, crossing the Losiowa Biel marshes and then along the Skroda, the Chojna and the Wissa, up to the mouth of the Biebrza, which corresponded approximately to the territorial claims made by the Order during the 1330s and 1340s. Some of the examined descriptions remain undated. The first, most probably written by Jan von Sayn, the military commander of Balgij, originates from 1405-1407, and in May 1412 found itself among documents whose purpose was to assist an Order mission setting off for negotiations with the Polish side in Buda. This is the second most important description (after the one contained in a letter by the military commander of Ostróda, 15 February 1413), since it depicts the mechanism of the efforts of the Teutonic Knights aimed at a legal appropriation of a considerable part of the Mazovian territory. The preparation of the document was probably based on three consecutive descriptions, made at the end of the fourteenth century, which are discussed in detail. By publishing unknown descriptions of the boundaries made for the purpose of a Polish-Teutonic Order trial conducted after the battle of Grunwald (or prepared earlier and only used at the court proceedings) the authors wished to supplement heretofore knowledge about the border disputes between Mazovia and the Teutonic Order from the last quarter of the 14th century to the second decade of the 15th century, which up to now have been known only from outdated, frequently 19th century ascertainments made by German and Polish researchers.
EN
The energy demand of the Teutonic Order castle in Malbork, which in the 14th and the first half of the 15th century was the seat of the Grand Master and the headquarters of the Order, was satisfied by the extensive use of wood and charcoal. The most detailed information on the subject comes from the inventories and revenue books from the 14th and the first decades of the 15th c. There was a special official ('caravan master') who was responsible for buying and supplying firewood. Firewood was stored on the wood yard in the suburb. The production of charcoal, which was used in the smithy and cannon foundry, was organized by the castle commander. He was also responsible for buying windfalls to fuel the brickyards and lime kilns situated close to the castle. Charcoal was produced by charcoal burners from the village of Bronowo in the forests of the north part of Zulawy Wielkie and from the village of Polski Brunwald (now Wegry) in the Sztumski Forest. It was transported to Malbork by waterway and stored in the suburb. In the 15th c. the production was about 500 last (last - 3000-3840 litres) yearly; it came mainly from the area on the Szkarpawa river. The intensive exploitation of forests in the commandry of Malbork led to deforesting large areas. The deficit of wood, which was also necessary for the construction and maintenance of floodbanks, was increased due to the Thirteen Years' War.
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EN
The formation of the Mazovian-Teutonic Order boundary has not been sufficiently examined up to now. This is the prime reason why Polish and German writings feature numerous contradictory findings or erroneous simplifications, including those concerning the circumstances and course of the Rajgród–related conflict between Mazovia (Poland) and the Teutonic Knights (summer 1360), described in a copious protocol–account and a brief description found in the chronicle of Wigand. The presented article discusses the events preceding the conflict and its course. The roots of the event go back to the second half of the thirteenth century when Mazovia, Ruthenia and the state of the Teutonic Order embarked upon a conquest of Sudovia and the subsequent division of its lands. Both sources include information which demands further research. The authoress has recently identified two Mazovian knights - Dobrogost of 'Cannink' (Kanigowo) of the Lubicz coat of arms, and Bronisz of 'Sulostase' (Sulostowo) of the Grabie coat of arms, who appeared during the first stage of the conflict. On the other hand, it proved impossible to identify a knight's servant named Nykus Nassund. Further investigations are required in the case of the starosta (capitanens) of Wizna and a verification of the proposed localisation and identification of the Teutonic Order fortress of 'Grebyn' whose construction was completed after the devastation of Rajgród; the same holds true for the determination of the fortification work conducted in Rajgród by the Mazovians. In the case of both fortifications, this task is rendered additionally difficult by the fact that heretofore archaeological research has not provided any auxiliary ascertainments.
EN
Research on the construction of Teutonic Order castles in Prussia in the 13th -14th c. has a long tradition in historiography. It has clarified many aspects of the topic and has helped in the reconstruction of some of the castles. So far the research has primarily been undertaken by art historians, archaeologists, builders (not necessarily architects) or German and Polish amateur hobbyists, while professional historians have not been particularly interested in the subject. Therefore, one of the shortcomings of previous studies was the authors' insufficient familiarity with written sources, which actually allow us to verify a number of assumptions widely accepted in the literature but often being only poorly documented hypotheses based solely on analyses of preserved architectural details. Conclusions drawn from the insufficient source basis led to numerous errors, especially as concerns the dating, the process of construction and the spatial layout of the castles in question. Thus, the authors of the present article refer primarily to written sources, paying special attention to their dating and proper use. The article is focused on the construction of the last of the commandry castles built in Prussia before 1410, the one in Ragneta on the Niemen (German name - Ragnit, Russian name - Neman), 105 km north-east of Królewiec (Königsberg). The castle was built almost entirely of brick; it was designed as a square measuring 59x59 metres. The construction started in the summer of 1397. The outer walls with temporary roofing were ready in five years. In 1403 the interiors were being created, but it should be stressed that not all the wings were worked on simultaneously. Because of that in 1403, when the convent was moved to Ragneta from the previous seat of the commandry, only the ground and the first floor of the western and probably of the southern wing were habitable. As to the location of particular rooms, it is important to verify the widely held claims about the castle's 'chapter-house', which in fact was never built, and the refectory, which was actually situated on the first floor in the northern wing. It can no longer be maintained that the whole quadrangle was roofed and hence the construction was finished in 1405. Sources indicated that it happened in 1406 or 1407. Apart from verifying the details, the analysis of the written sources concerning the construction of the Ragneta castle leads to a more general reflection on the drawing and realization of architectural plans in those times. The documents indicate that many external and internal elements of the castle were demolished immediately after they were built (e.g. the vaults in rooms and cellars, partitions, window and door openings). This suggests that the construction of the complex might have been based only on a design specifying the measurements of its mass limited by the outer walls, while the question of interiors was left open and it was settled according to the current suggestions of the Grand Master or the brothers from the local convent. It seems that no design of the interiors existed before the outer walls had actually been built. Written sources give us very interesting details about the building of the well (in the years 1402-1409) or of the sanitary complex (danzker) with a gallery leading to it, which were all constructed of wood (1405/1406). It seems that the outbuildings of the castle should also be dated differently than in previous studies and they were actually built in the years 1407-1409. In sum, the brick castle in Ragneta was built in an impressively short period of about 12 years.
EN
The paper makes a record of the swords with pommels denoted Type N (Oakeshott) or XV (Ruttkay) or B2 (Glosek) or 16 II (Geibig). The other sword parts have also been analyzed, cross-guards (Type 1) and blades (types Xa and XIII). Two subtypes have been identified, N-a (9 specimens) and N-b (5 specimens), which is correspondent to Geibig Combination Type 16 II, as well as the swords with pommels of related shapes (types O, B/N and A1). The pommels, blades and guards of all Type N swords are very similar both in type and in size. All swords have hand-and-a-half hilts, whose dimensions are very similar in most cases. Most of the blades are of medium dimensions and show transitional characteristics between Oakeshott's types Xa and XIII, those with predominant features of the former type being more frequent. All guards of Type N swords are straight and slender, belong to Oakeshott Type 1 and are very long (22.5-27.7 cm). So far, only three swords with Type O pommels are known. Some examples are close to Type N swords (guards of Type 1, blades of Type Xa), and some differ (guards of Type 2, blades of Type XVI). Most finds come from Transylvania, central Romania (5 examples), and Bavaria, southern Germany (three N-b examples, three B/N and one O), and almost all were chance finds. A rare exception is the pommel discovered in a Transylvanian hoard buried in 1241. The only artistic depiction of a sword with that type of pommel occurs on a statue from about 1255 in Naumburg cathedral, central Germany. The dating of N Type swords to the first half of the 13th century is confirmed by the typological characteristics of their blades and cross-guards, and this date has been suggested by most scholars. In the first quarter of the 13th century the Teutonic Knights (1211-1225) were based in the surroundings of Brasov (Kronstadt) in Transylvania. It is in that area that two N Type finds were discovered, while another two come from Sibiu (Hermannstadt), also in Transylvania, the city which had remained the center of the German colonists even after the Order's departure. Besides a Type N pommel, the above mentioned hoard from the Sibiu area contained a liturgical vessel (urceolus) which is directly analogous with a find from the first half of the 13th century from Thuringia, the region of origin of the Order's grand masters in that period. Under the assumption that the Teutonic Knights brought the swords with Type N- pommels to what then was eastern Hungary, the swords may be a little more precisely dated to the first quarter of the 13th century, while those of Type N-b would then be a decade or two younger. Based on their typological properties, the swords with Type O pommels have been dated to the second half of the 13th and early 14th centuries, which is also suggested by their sculpted depictions in Freiburg cathedral from about 1300. Considering their morphological resemblance to Type N pommels, they may be interpreted as their slightly younger derivative.
EN
The late Middle Ages saw a technological revolution consisting in applying water energy instead of human labour to power machines. One of its most conspicuous results was the common use of watermills, connected with the process of settlement. In the Teutonic Order state the construction and use of watermills was regulated by paragraph 13 of the Chelmno charter. In practice, the erection of mills was a prerogative of the Teutonic Order, which gave individual licenses to build mills and later collected rent from their operation. This arrangement allowed the Teutonic Knights to control the efficient use of rivers as a source of water power. The work of a watermill depended on a pile-up up water. To protect the interest of particular mills it was determined precisely at what distance new weirs could be built; sometimes general bans on the construction of new mills were issued. It was also specified how many wheels a new mill was allowed to have and whether it could later be extended. In order to increase the output of a mill it was necessary to supply it with more energy. This required a higher weir. Milling licenses tried to prevent the arbitrary raising of water level by millers, establishing the maximum allowed level. Another way to supply a mill with more water, and consequently energy, was to build an extra pond, called the 'upper pond', which was a reserve of energy to be used if needed. In the Teutonic Order state there were many watermills concentrated on several rivers, which were thus exploited very intensively. The best known example is a complex of mills on the Mlynówka Malborska, built, used and gradually extended by the Teutonic Order. Apart from watermills waterpower was extensively used in boat mills.
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Content available ZAMEK POKRZYŻACKI W MIEJSCOWOŚCI ROGÓŹNO-ZAMEK
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EN
The locality of Rogozno-Zamek lies between Grudziadz and Lasin. The ruins of a Teutonic Order castle tower on a hillock above the mouth of the river Gardega into the Osa. The selection of a site convenient for erecting a fortification was determined by the outstanding defensive properties of the lay of the land. The construction of a brick castle in Rogozno was commenced after 1275, on the site of an earlier wooden fortification. From 1285 the castle was manned by Teutonic Knights, headed by commander (komtur) Winand. In 1335 the 'komturia' (area administered by the komtur) was replaced by a 'wojtostwo' (area administered by a 'wojt'/commune head/). In 1466-1590 the castle was the seat of the local 'starosta'. After 1772 a large part of the buildings was demolished to serve as a source of building material necessary for raising a Prussian fort in Grudziadz. In 1934 the ruins of Rogozno Castle were recognised as an historical monument. Work on protecting the object was inaugurated in 1911. The plan of the upper castle was recreated in the course of archaeological research conducted in 1941-1942 under the supervision of H. Jacobi. The mediaeval castle was composed of three parts: the castle proper, the upper castle standing on top of the hill, the middle castle with a tall gate tower, and a sprawling forecastle on a neighbouring elevation, separated from the main fortification by a moat. The upper castle included four wings, and was encircled by outer walls. The western part of the hill features scarce preserved fragments of the upper castle walls. The grounds of the inner forecastle contain an extant square, five-storey gate tower, originally preceded by a gate gorge, and a bridge leading to the non-residential part of the forecastle. Another surviving element is a long fragment of the outer wall with a corner turret built on a circular plan. Today, the castle is considerably devastated due to natural destruction, efforts to obtain building material, and incorrect exploitation. Only a part of the object, which urgently calls for additional protection measures, is suitable for reconstruction.
EN
The article deals with the problem of authenticity of the document of Gunter the bishop of Plock and the Plock chapter of March 17, 1230 confirming the grant of all the land estates belonging to them and most rights in the Land of Chelmno to the Teutonic Order. Considering the arguments for and against the authenticity of that document, the author concludes that it is indeed false but was based on an authentic document of bishop Gunter and his chapter of March17, 1230. The degree of falsification is, according to the author, minimal because to the list of land estates and rights actually granted to the Order only all tithes from the Land of Chelmno were added, and some corrections were made in order to authenticate the range of that grant. Following the suppositions of M. Perlbach, the author dates the creation of the false document of March17, 1230 to the period immediately preceding the negotiations of the Order with Andrzej, bishop of Plock, which ended with an agreement signed in Parchanie on November 19, 1257.
EN
In 1308/9, the Teutonic Order annexed by force Vistula Pomerania (Polish: Pomorze Nadwislanskie). In order to validate this annexation, the Order purchased the territory for 10 thousand silver deniers from the Brandenburg margrave Waldemar, who assumed possession of it in 1305 as a grant of the Bohemian and Polish king Waclaw III, resigning on his behalf from the March of Meissen. Some historians derive the ownership rights to this part of Pomerania from the grant of the Pomeranian Duchy to the Brandenburg margraves, received as fief of the Reich by emperor Frederick II in 1231, while others from the aforementioned transaction from 1305. This latter point of view was represented by the Teutonic Knights themselves; it is better justified.
EN
This article attempts to summarize the most important findings and hypotheses regarding a codex of the Banderia Prutenorum (Jagiellonian Library, Krakow, ms 10001), especially its genesis and initial concept, as well as the accumulation of iconographic and historiographical content of this oldest European Fahnenbuch, the co-operative work of the Krakow painter, Stanislaw Durink, and Jan Dlugosz (author of, primarily, the famous Annales comprising Polish history from its legendary origins to 1480). A parallel concern, closely linked to the issue analysed in the article, is the original number of banners acquired as trophies at Grunwald (Grünfelde)/Tannenberg on 15 July 1410 and hung in the Krakow cathedral in autumn of 1411 at the tomb of St. Stanislaus, the patron saint of the Polish Kingdom, as a votive offering for the victory. These reflections were brought about in part by the appearance of a new album edition of the Banderia Prutenorum in 2009 (Krakow-Proszowki 2009), containing the first coloured, full-size (at scale 1:1) reproductions of the original sheets, preceded by an extensive introduction by Krzysztof Stopka. In 1976 Sven Ekdahl published a dissertation, accompanied by an edition of the Banderia carefully prepared by him, which proved among other things the formation in two stages of the iconographic content of the codex and indicated - unlike the previous publisher (Karol Gorski) - the premises for the chronology in the placing of notes and comments in the codex. During discussions on the Swedish researcher's views (most of which were accepted in any case), a number of sometimes controversial hypotheses have arisen, concerning both the Banderia codex and the history of the banners gained at Grunwald. These require revision in the light of sources that were, so far, not used or were mistakenly interpreted. The primary content of the Banderia codex's notes regarding the size of the banners (most probably inscribed by Durink, marked as first hand according to Gerard Labuda's classification as adopted by Stopka) and Dlugosz's recommendations, contained in his Annales, suggest that the principal purpose for creating the Krakow Fahnenbuch in 1448 was an iconographic documentation of the 46 banners in the form of 47 illuminations (one of the banners having two sides), placed on the verso pages of the codex. Therefore, a basis in and of itself was created for the gradual reconstruction of the original banners, which was necessary due to the natural process of their decomposition as observed by contemporaries. The documentation was also justified by the awareness of the symbolic importance of the collection of trophies acquired from the Teutonic Knights. Among the banners immortalized in 1448, 41 were identified as having been taken on 15 July 1410 at the Battle of Grunwald from the Order's army (including the knighthood, the cities of the Teutonic state in Prussia, and external allies), one as having been acquired at Koronowo on 10 October 1410, and 4 at Dabki in 1431. The list of 'The Banners of the Prussians' was considered as a closed set until 1454 because of the validity of the 'everlasting' peace signed in Brzesc Kujawski in 1435. It seems that the banners hung in the Krakow cathedral at the tomb of St. Stanislaus - the patron of the Polish Kingdom - served not only as a votive offering. Some of them were most probably treated as a symbolic manifestation of the Polish Kingdom's rights to the territories historically associated with it, especially to those dominated by the Order (Pomerania and Chelmno (Kulm) land), but also to Silesia and Western Pomerania, from which the allies of the Order in the war of 1409-1410 came. Older sources than the Banderia, previously not used or incorrectly interpreted, inform us about the suspension of all banners acquired at Grunwald in Krakow, thus remaining silent regarding the Lithuanian side of these trophies. A note by Klemens Drzewicki in 'The Calendar of Krakow Cathedral', dated about 1422, mentions 44 banners captured at Grunwald (and not 39, as was earlier estimated in the literature), and suspended in the Krakow cathedral (Fig. 1-2). Dlugosz, on the basis of references unknown to us, finally determined the number of banners from Grunwald to be 51, and consequently refused to admit the Lithuanians' participation in these trophies. Probably during the Thirteen Years' War (1454-1466), in which Poland regained the Chelmno (Kulm) land, 10 additional miniatures of banners - mainly related to this land - were painted on the recto pages in the codex, despite its original conception placing the location of the illuminations on the verso pages. The illuminations themselves were affected by iconographic errors, such as the inversion of colours on the so-called St. George's banner that occurred, according to Dlugosz, on the side of the Order, indicating - according to Ekdahl - that they were composed from oral accounts, or from sketches. Unlike the original illuminations, these additional miniatures were not accompanied by notes regarding the size of the banner. Following these premises and based on the structure and concept of the codex, it has to be assumed that these banners were not present in the Krakow cathedral in 1448. There have been some attempts to resolve this problem, such as by a transfer of several of the trophies/banners to the cathedral of Vilnius, and it does not seem impossible, but it is not sufficiently confirmed in currently known sources, especially from the 1st half of the 15th century. Supporting this hypothesis using the 16th-century reference of the so-called Bykhovets (Bychowiec) Chronicle - a highly tendentious source which states that half of all banners taken at Grunwald were placed in Vilnius - is a historiographical mistake, but it has been treated in some scholarly publications as a certainty. The original conception and construction of the codex probably did not anticipated any additional illuminations, but it can be assumed that it implied the possibility of expanding the historical comments, and creating thereby both a catalogue and a historiographical work. Enlarging and correcting - even an already-formed narrative - is a well-known feature of Dlugosz's workshop, visible in the same Banderia and in preserved parts of the so-called Annales 'autograph' (Czartoryski's Library in Krakow, ms 1306). Initially, Dlugosz himself supplemented the illuminations of all but five banners with informative notes on their origin, ownership, and the commanders associated with them (the so-called second hand). In some notes, apparently not knowing all the details, he left gaps. These notes were gradually added to and developed by the unidentified writer (the so-called third hand) who also participated in the copying of the Annales. The chronology of the third hand's comments and their relationship to the list of the Order's banners included in the Annales before the description of the Battle of Grunwald (where the banners had been ordered according to territorial and hierarchical criterion, and where their appearance was blazoned), has been a subject of controversy between Ekdahl, Gorski and Labuda. Sometimes, a dogmatic conviction -shared especially by the Polish scholars - that the part of the Annales, comprising the events from the Battle of Grunwald (along with a list of banners) was completely edited before 1458, has played too significant a role in these disputes. At the same time, not enough attention was paid in the polemics to the intertextuality between the two descriptions of the banners, which otherwise they were well aware of. The comments of the so-called third hand - identified as belonging to one of the writers of the preserved part of the Annales 'autograph' - are based on information collected around the - mid-1460s, but edited and introduced to the codex perhaps around ten years later. This approach enables us to combine the paleographic assumptions for identifying the so-called third hand with the hand of an active writer who participated in the preparation of the 'autograph' of the Annales at the end of the seventies. A careful postulation, requiring many more verifications, revelas him as a notary working for Dlugosz (or at least copying his works on parchment) - Krzysztof of Debowiec. The issue of primary and secondary sources for Banderia's iconographic content is closely connected with the dating and interpretation of the triumphant presentation of King Wladyslaw II Jagiello with three Grunwald banners. These were located from the 15th century at his tombstone, but today they are known mainly from one iconographic reference: the seventeenth-century woodcut called Typus fundationis Academiae Cracoviensis [Fig. 2-3]. The woodcut's interpretation of the gothic painting poses a difficulty in identifying the second of the presented banners. The author is not convinced that it might be a banner of St. George, painted in the Banderia after 1448 and mistakenly presented with inverted colours (as if it were a banner of the same name appearing in the Battle of Grunwald on the Polish side), which is justified by a separate analysis. The absence of this banner, more than likely, in the Krakow cathedral before 1448, cannot be without influence on the identification of the second banner in the Typus Fundationis painting, nor for views on dating the same picture, especially before 1448. According to the author (who is not alone in this position), the Order's banner (No. 3 in Banderia) was presented as the second in the woodcut , which in fact does not prevent the possibility of dating the painting before 1448. The unquestionable identification of the third banner as a banner of the city of Chelmno (Kulm) and the Chelmno knights indicates that the composition was made before 1466. After this year, the symbolic manifestation of the Polish Crown's rights to the Chelmno land lost its specific reasons. Among the source materials on the Grunwald banners in the Krakow cathedral, probably the most important would appear to be a proto-edition of the illuminations and descriptions of the Banderia codex posted in 'The Coats of Arms of the Polish Knighthood' (Herby rycerstwa polskiego) by Bartosz Paprocki (Krakow, 1584). In the descriptions of the banners, Paprocki reported information on the sizes of almost all the banners painted in the Banderia codex after 1448. The analysis of Paprocki's phrases and sizes of the illuminations in the codex, from which he undoubtedly benefited, shows that these could not have been deduced from representations of the banners, but only from the real ones with which he apparently had dealt. This means that before 1584, and perhaps even during Dlugosz's life, and according to his own demands, an actual reconstruction of the collection of banners was made, completing 51 of the total number fixed by him. Recently, Magdalena Piwocka reflected on the practice of reconstructing the banners in Switzerland, which was not confirmed until the turn of the 16th century. The postulated reconstruction of the banners, expressed by Dlugosz in the Annales, is at least a quarter of a century earlier. The presented comments, conclusions and the author's own hypotheses (only the most important of which were reported in this summary) need to be discussed, especially for new analytical studies of the codex, including comparative studies on the handwriting of the records of the so-called third hand and performance of a second physicochemical analysis of the miniatures with the use of available modern research methods.
EN
One of the biggest battles of medieval Europe belongs to the leading events in the history of Poland, as it effectively curbed the aggression of the Teutonic Order on the Baltic seacoast. With sword and fire, under the banner of the cross, the Order had established its own state on those lands threatening the Piast Poland. For centuries the Germans perceived this defeat as an end of their 'civilizational mission' and only towards the end of the 20th century they re-evaluated their judgment, their position approaching that of Polish historiography. The defeat of 1410 was compensated for in propagandist terms with a 'second Tannenberg', i.e. a defeat of the Russians on the same site during the First World War. In pre-partition Poland (until 1795) and especially during the reign of the Jagiellonian dynasty, the anniversaries of the victory were celebrated as church and state holidays. In times of national captivity they served the idea of national survival and could be freely celebrated only from the third quarter of the 19th century in the part annexed by Austria, after Galicia had gained autonomy. The 500th anniversary was celebrated on a grand scale in Kraków with the participation - partly in conspiracy - of delegations from the Prussian and Russian partitions. Jubilee celebrations were held on the 550th anniversary (1960) and the 600th anniversary (2010) when the battlefield was within the territory of the Polish state. The character of the celebrations changed as they no longer needed to serve the idea of 'cheering up the hearts'. Recently the anniversaries lost their confrontational edge in shaping the image of Polish-German relations.
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