From the beginning of the transformation in Slovakia after 1989, the crucial problems were the issue of statehood and its resolution and the Hungarian issue. In summer 1990, the dispute over the resolution of the constitutional arrangement moved to the designation of powers. Simultaneously, the conflict concerning the speed and method of economic transformation sharpened on the Slovak political scene. The parliamentary elections of 1992 and the subsequent adoption of The Declaration of the Independence of Slovakia and The Constitution of Slovakia were of crucial importance for the further destiny of Czechoslovakia. After the establishment of an independent Slovak state, relations with Hungary and the Hungarian minority gained a new dimension.
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In the course of January 1946, discussions on bills regarding adaptation of the state establishment and rights of the head of state were in process on the Hungarian political scene. Communists and the Social Democrats strove to enforce a proposition restricting the president's rights, while small farmers formulated a broad spectrum of presidential authorities. This discussion resulted in a compromise closer to the communists' proposals. On 1st February 1946, Zoltan Tildy, a sole candidate, was elected president under the adopted republican bill.
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The Prague peace treaty (summer and autumn 1946) finally determined the Trianon boundaries, but it did not untangle the issue of the Hungarian minority in Czechoslovakia. The world powers voiced their different opinions on the restoration of small Central and East European countries and the introduction of democratic governments at discussions regarding economical and military establishment and reparations. The gradual disintegration of anti-Fascist coalition and the growing tension between the Soviet Union and the Western allies affected the political situation in Hungary and dissolved Hungarian democracy. After signing peace treaties, the number one target for the Soviet leadership was to use countries occupied by the Soviet Army as a defence zone and transform them into a homogenous Socialist bloc by means of Sovietisation.
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Since the 19th century the tension between modernizing processes and the terms like tradition, patriotism, and nation have become the constant feature of the development of modern Hungarian society. The dispute between 'modern' and 'traditional' culminated usually during great national crises. Paradoxically, the language of the dispute made possible the use of the word 'modernization' against real modernization, when the effort to raise the nation was undertaken in the name of defence of national values against 'cosmopolitan' modernity coming from abroad, or when the Hungarian nation was defending its 'traditional progressiveness' against the national demands of 'backward' non-Hungarian nations. The effort to find the balance between 'general' democratic and 'particular' national principles have permeated programmes of all significant political parties throughout the 19-20th centuries. The achieved consensus in this matter served also as one of the arguments supporting the decision to accept integration of Hungary into NATO and the EU, and, on the other hand, the Hungarians perceived both integrations as historically unique opportunity to resolve traditional tensions between 'progress and patriotism'.
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