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EN
The article is based on a rich and valuable literature presenting the tragic events occurred in the western part of USSR in the years 1937–1838, when more than hundred thousand people accused of spying for Poland were arrested and many of them were killed. The campaign against the Polish people was initiated by the official order number 00485 issued on 11 August 1937 and signed by the Soviet People’s Commissar for State Security Nikolai Yezhov.
EN
The Soviet threat in the journalism of Stanisław Cat-Mackiewicz during the Second World War
EN
Religious freedom as it was at the end of the USSR has enabled the revival of the Roman Catholic Church. In addition to the clergy, useful help in this process is played by lay people, coming in to the post-Soviet states, among others, from Poland. The article contains an analysis of surveys conducted among representatives of Polish laity who after 1989 came in to support priests in pastoral work in parishes located just behind the eastern border of the Republic of Poland.
EN
The article presents the characteristics of Prometheism as a political and ideological concept in the first few years after the end of World War II. The analysis was based on archival material gathered in the Archives of the Józef Piłsudski Institute in London (hereinafter: AIJP in London) in Team No. 148: Prometheus, main contents contained in the correspondence (documents) of the Polish Promethean Group in London, and also in the literature. The thesis was put forward that in the first years after the end of World War II in the Polish emigration environment, Prometheism still appeared as a political and ideological assumption and also a measure whose implementation could contribute to the internal weakening of the USSR. It can be said that the implementation of the Promethean idea was continued by the Polish emigration environment also after the end of World War II. The Polish Promethean Group in London was the center of the Promethean affairs, inspiring the work of other centers, as well as analyzing the signifi cance of various initiatives inscribed in the vision of post-war Prometeism.
5
Content available Kozackie formacje w służbie III Rzeszy
94%
EN
After the attack of the Third Reich’s army on the Soviet Union, many Cossacks in exile declared their willingness to fight in the German formations against the hated enemy. Also, a significant part of the Cossack population in the Don, Kuban or Terek territories occupied by the Germans enthusiastically welcomed the entering Wehrmacht troops. Shortly afterwards, the Cossacks were permitted to create their local government there, and also received guarantees of cultural, educational and religious freedom. The formation of Cossack troops used by the Germans for reconnaissance and 'fighting the Soviet partisans also commenced. These soldiers were to be treated equally with German soldiers. After a series of German defeats on the Eastern Front in 1943 and after the Red Army had taken the initiative on the Eastern Front, the Cossack formations together with the accompanying civilian population created the so-called Cossack
EN
The paper considers applying post-imperial approach to contemporary migration processes in the post-Soviet area. It presents arguments for and against application of the post-imperial perspective to migration studies on post-Soviet states and tries to answer the question whether we can actually label migrants coming from the CIS states to Russia as post-imperial migrants. Domination of Russia among destination countries for migrants from the CIS, special rights they enjoy comparing to citizens of ‘far-abroad’ countries (e.g. visa free regime), Soviet legacy of infrastructural, cultural, political and economic ties between the sending and receiving countries partially justify a post-imperial approach. However, motivation of migrants in the post-Soviet territory being a continuous area may differ significantly from the one of ‘classic’ post-imperial migrants coming to their former metropolis from overseas. Moreover, recent changes on the post-Soviet migration map may be an evidence of the decreasing role of post-imperial factors in determining directions of migration flows and of growing significance of the demand factor.
Ad Americam
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2011
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tom 12
141-148
EN
The Mediterranean was a main region in the policy of the United States and the Soviet Union in the 1980s. This part of the world was one of the most important areas of rivalry during the Cold War after 1945. At that time it was the most militarized region in the world. In the postwar world, despite rapid advances in all types of communication, the Mediterranean retained its importance as a unique strategic maritime passageway because of the continuity of naval routes, air routes and strategic directions which largely coincide with the strategies of bloc activity. This article describes the presence of the naval forces of the USA and the USSR in the basin of the Mediterranean, the diplomatic and military rivalry between these superpowers and the implications of this competition for international relations at the end of the Cold War.
8
Content available remote Vec, fotografia a socializmus: príbeh koberca
83%
EN
The way of our viewing fulfils every political, economic, and social concept with certain audiovisual materials, rules, and canons of imagination as well as with visual style and aesthetics. Socialism offers plentiful examples how the convention of “good manners” penetrated into photographic viewing. One of them is the series of domestic group or individual portrays in front of a “Persian” carpet hanging on the wall. This carpet stands for the all-including identity of Soviet citizen, socialistic wealth, cosy socialistic dwelling, and constitutes a frequent element of domestic Soviet photographs. While the foreground changed according to one leader replacing the other one and alongside the politicians, also the giant agitating mosaics or tapestries intended for exterior or interior changed, the carpet remained unchanged. Even though this convention is suppressed by another one in Moscow or Petersburg, and “sovok” – the culture of socialistic households and everyday life - is understood as a negative one, this convention is still surviving in Siberia. The question is why the people still insist on being photographed in front of the carpet. This study introduces an in-depth analysis of the origin, development, and transformations of this specific visual practice. We will show how the socialistic Alltagswelt and the idea of a right Soviet citizen were interconnected with a peculiar way of (photographic) viewing and how this visionary project failed while the visual one is still living.
EN
This article covers the influence of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution on international relations, in particular on the official position of the United States, Great Britain and France. It analyses the process of discussing “the Hungarian question” at the UN Security Council and at the emergency General Assembly session. The author emphasizes the significance of the activities of the special commission for investigating events in Hungary established by the UN General Assembly in autumn 1956, as well as the great merit of the Danish diplomat Bang Jensen in investigating and formulating the text of commission’s report, which covered the struggle of the Hungarian people for freedom.
10
83%
EN
This article explores the Soviet Marxist perceptions of religion, based on an examination of Marx’s theory of religion. Central to the classical Marxist theory of religion is the atheist worldview, which deems that it is not religion that creates man but man who creates religion. Although Marx believed that religion was ‘the opium of the people’ and a powerful device whereby the ruling class manipulated the working class, Marx did not favour the forcible destruction of religion. He was cognizant of the benign social and cultural dimensions of religion, which were useful to individuals and social groups before religion would eventually ‘wither away’. As the first state to put the Marxist theory of religion into practice, the Soviet Marxist understanding of religion and the Soviet policy towards the Russian Orthodox Church had considerable influence on other socialist states such as China. By analysing Lenin’s and Stalin’s work on religion, and the legislation and regulations concerning religion in the Soviet Union, this article demonstrates that the atheist struggle against religion was considered by the Soviet Union to be an important component of the ‘class-struggle’ and a prerequisite for the ‘proletarian dictatorship’. The article also suggests that the making of the Soviet policy towards religion was not exclusively driven by atheist communist ideology, but had a strong element of pragmatism when the regime needed the support of believers, especially in turbulent times of economic crisis, war and expansion during the Second World War and in its immediate aftermath.
EN
This analytical study reflects upon the development and partial findings from Russian studies centers in the years 1950–1969, which were part of the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences that had been founded in 1953. The interpretation intends to elucidate the significance and topical focus of these centers as well as discuss their findings in the area of research into the history of Russia and the USSR. There is particular emphasis on the institutional and thematic transformations they weathered, and it provides an account of the shaping of non-university-based Russian studies in Czechoslovakia. The study is based upon sources held by the Masaryk Institute and Archives of the AS CR.
12
Content available Podróż mimo woli
83%
EN
„A Journey against the Will” is a narrative of a cruel experience which eight-year-old Halina Witkowska had to go through when she was deported to a Siberian forced labor camp together with her mother and brother. She was in the USSR from 1939 to 1942, from where she then got to Teheran travelling along General Wladyslaw Anders’ Trail, and later – through India to Mexico. She returned to Poland in 1946. Now Mrs Witkowska lives in Siedlce.
EN
The history of German prisoners of war from World War II has long been a topic of historical and political discussion in the Federal Republic of Germany. After the establishment of the FRG in 1949, members of the first term of the Bundestag discussed the extremely topical issue which was: bringing German prisoners of war from the USSR to West Germany ten years after the start of World War II. The aim of this paper is to determine how the above mentioned politicians dealt with the problem of POWs on the basis of an analysis of the plenary protocols of the Bundestag (Plenarprotokolle) and printed documents (Drucksachen) produced during the first two terms of the German parliament: 1949–1953 and 1953–1957. Historical research methods were used in the study, including the inductive-descriptive method and the method of analyzing the contents of documents according to Ole Holsti's questionnaire in order to determine which politicians in the Bundestag spoke most often, how they spoke about the issue of aiding prisoners of war, in what context, and what their statements resulted in. The analysis shows that German politicians were eager to propose new laws or amendments to the existing ones in order to identify and support prisoners of war already in the country or still detained abroad. The case of the prisoners of war was an especially high profile issue at the turn of 1955 and 1956, when the largest wave of returns took place, thanks to the actions of the German Chancellor, who went to Moscow for this purpose. The resolution of this issue in 1955 became the basis of Chancellor K. Adenauer's political success.
EN
This article discusses the topic of censorship in the communist Poland. It presents a description of the functioning of the office of censorship (Main Office for the Control of Presentations and Public Performances; Główny Urzęd Kontroli Prasy, Publikacji i Widowisk) as well as other forms of informal influence on the authors working for public publishing houses. The underground publications suppressed during the Stalin era as well as difficulties encountered by Polish historians after 1956 will be the subject of the analysis. Furthermore, the article indicates the complementary role of the underground publishers after 1970. These publishing houses had a significant impact on the birth of political opposition in the communist Poland.
EN
The Prague Spring and its quashing by Soviet tanks was not only an important event in Czech and Slovak national history, it also had a wider, global reach. The events themselves and subsequent occupation of Czechoslovakia by the combined forces of the Warsaw Pact have not ceased to inspire historical research and public debate. The aim of this essay is not to provide a complete list of works concerning the Prague Spring and the occupation of 1968; the sheer volume of literature on the subject is now overwhelming. Instead, the essay focuses on the most significant works and seeks to capture and analyse the main trends in the research into and writing about this event. It focuses on Western historiography – especially works written in English – as that contribution to the scholarship is the most numerous and, arguably, the most influential. It also pays brief attention to the work of German, Italian and French historians.
EN
In the period between the two World Wars, Turkey played quite an important role in the security system of the Second Republic of Poland, especially after the May Coup in 1926. Poland promoted the establishment of the Central European Bloc, which in some variants would also include Turkey. Furthermore, the state played an important role in the Polish Promethean politics because it had borders with the Caucasus, and in addition there was the large Caucasian emigration. As early as in the 1920s Poland initiated intelligence cooperation with Turkey against the USSR, as a result of which Polish intelligence missions operated in the Turkish territory and Turkish intelligence officers underwent specialized training in Poland. The more Turkey approached the Western countries before the outbreak of World War II the more this cooperation intensified.
17
71%
EN
The article presents political and military reasons to create the first after the Second World War, typically military academic school in Poland. Apart from its tasks, functional and organisational structure, also the process of creating the scientific and didactic environment of the Academy of General Staff (ASG - Akademia Sztabu Generalnego) has been described. The crucial element of this article is to characterise the recruitment system to ASG and the results of entrance exams. Also the scale of influence of Russian patterns onto the process of creating and education in the Academy and the range of help rendered by the Soviet Union in the first years of ASG functioning has been presented. The contents of the article were based on the current Polish and foreign literature concerning that matter and on the unpublished earlier archival materials.
EN
In Belarus and Russia, the attitude of both the authorities and the public toward the Soviet past and Soviet history has mostly been a complicated one. This array of issues definitely incorporates the history of Stalinism in all its dimensions and ramifications. Presently, the objective analysis of the historical experience of the Stalin period of the Soviet history is becoming, afresh, a matter of common civic significance. It has become the primary objective of national historiographies to “develop new national histories” and alter the paradigms created in the Soviet years.
EN
The author analyses a history of research on culture in communist Poland and the USSR (later Russian Federation). She finds similarities and differences. During the time of communist Poland a tendency was to standardize the supply of culture and make the access to it more democratic. The basic task of the sociology of culture in communist Poland was to control the advancement process of culture dissemination and research into the various forms of participation. However, in the second half of the 70s attention was more and more focused on the directions of cultural sociology development and functions. Following the fall of communism this discipline was faced with a challenge of embracing all the important directions of changes while indicating a now socio-cultural model at the same time. In the USSR, on the other hand, the government was interested only in the cultural research which was to confirm a hypothesis on fast cultural development of masses. Sociology of culture did not exist as a science, though. Following years of deep crisis, when perestroika period began, sociologists of post soviet Russia faced a serious challenge: how to move from “the only one true” Marxist paradigm to the mastering and usage of various theories which functioned in sociology around the world. The Author indicated the contribution in this respect i.a. of Vladimir Yadov or academics circled around Yurij Levada. In general one can say that in Poland as well as in Russia, the sociology of culture following the fall of communist regime and following certain major political, economic, social and cultural changes, found itself in entirely new reality.
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