Nowa wersja platformy, zawierająca wyłącznie zasoby pełnotekstowe, jest już dostępna.
Przejdź na https://bibliotekanauki.pl
Preferencje help
Widoczny [Schowaj] Abstrakt
Liczba wyników

Znaleziono wyników: 8

Liczba wyników na stronie
first rewind previous Strona / 1 next fast forward last
Wyniki wyszukiwania
Wyszukiwano:
w słowach kluczowych:  ELECTION CAMPAIGN
help Sortuj według:

help Ogranicz wyniki do:
first rewind previous Strona / 1 next fast forward last
EN
This article attempts to answer the question whether election promises made by the candidates for public functions in the course of election campaign, may be considered as public pledges within the meaning of the Civil Code. A positive answer to this question would imply acceptance of civil law claims raised against those candidates for fulfilment of promises made in the course of election campaign. For purposes of this analysis, the following categories of promises made by candidates may be distinguished: pre-election promises (the promised award is to be delivered before the election day, e.g. promise of snacks for those who attend the election meeting.) and post-election promises. The latter included concrete promises (where the promised award is an element of the election programme of the candidate, that he wishes to carry out after the election) and abstract (where the promised award is to be the consequence of achievement of the election programme. The examination of the problem of classification of election promises in the context of the institution of public pledge, first of all required an answer to the question whether election promises has the nature of declaration of will under civil law. Contrary to the popular view, it was established that election promises have, in principle, the nature of declarations of will. This is because now there is no binding custom which would compel to give the made promises the sense other than that defined by semantic rules of general language. However, only election promises may be considered as public pledges and they cause any legal consequences specified by Article 919 et seq. of the Civil Code. Additionally, from a structural point of view, election promises differ from public pledges, because the promised award depends on the occurrence of a particular state of affairs, ie. electoral victory of the candidate or a political party, and does not depend on performance of a particular action (as secret voting cannot be considered as such). Moreover, candidates do not make specific promises on their on account, but on the account of the State Treasury, even if they are not authorised to do so. As concerns abstract promises, granting of an award would depend on issuance of particular normative acts, but issuance of such acts cannot be the subject matter of performance in civil law.
EN
We analyse the memory of voters and their ability to recall campaigns of candidates after the first-ever direct Czech presidential election. Our main focus is on identifying the campaigns best remembered by the voters. Our results show that, as predicted by the theory, the respondents could recall campaigns of the personalities that they had voted for. On the other hand, we do not confirm that people also remembered the campaigns of the candidates that they considered voting for.
EN
The Election Code was adopted on January 5, 2011 and entered into force on August 1, 2011 replacing five existing laws governing elections. It has unified the electoral system and implemented some new solutions aimed at changing considerably the electoral process or providing only an arrangement of the existing regulations. The authors describe and provide assessment of some novelties implemented by the Code, including single-member constituencies in elections to the Senate and in local self-government elections, the requirement for candidates to have no criminal convictions, obligation to apply gender quotas on electoral lists, changes in the election campaigning procedures, possibility of two-day voting, correspondence voting, as well as the powers of international election observers. They discuss the advantages and disadvantages of these institutions, at the same time identifying those solutions which may cause problems in practice. As regards single-member constituencies the authors claim that their introduction in elections to the Senate mostly shows a continued lack of vision for the second chamber and, in relation to local self-government elections, it may tempt municipal councils to determine the boundaries based mostly on the results of elections in former polling districts. Concerning gender quotas, the authors pointed out doubts as to their compliance with several constitutional provisions. Constitutional and interpretative doubts also appear in relation to the provision requiring candidates to have no criminal convictions. Regulations concerning election campaigning are also criticized, showing lack of preciseness of the provisions the Code which may cause a lot of doubts in practice. Discussing the possibility of a two-day voting, the authors conclude that it is no inconsistent with Poland's constitution. They support the idea of correspondence voting for citizens staying abroad and introduction of a statutory basis for activities performed by international election observers. Finally, the authors conclude that the changes introduced in electoral law mostly result from the practice of its application and are of arranging nature; therefore they should rather be approved. However, there are provisions that should be considered as imperfectly prepared, which prove the continued existence of a tendency to treat electoral law as an instrument for political dominance.
EN
In January 2011 the Sejm adopted the Election Code which changes, inter alia, some elements of electoral system and the procedure for election of the second chamber of parliament - the Senate. Among the most important novelties was replacing of former 40 constituencies with 2-4 members with 100 single-member constituencies. An election formula has remained intact; it is still a simple majority vote. As regards the adjustment of the size of constituencies (i.e. the number of seats to be taken in a constituency) to the number of inhabitants, the former electoral law provided for a relatively imprecise procedure of distribution of seats between 16 provinces and, then, between constituencies. The Election Code introduces single-member constituencies; therefore it requires that the boundaries of constituencies (and, as a result, the number of its inhabitants) be adjusted to the number of seats, i.e. one seat. To prevent the necessity of changing the boundaries of constituencies in every election, the Code provides a margin of flexibility: to each constituency it should fall at least 50% of the norm of representation and no more than 200% of that norm (the norm of representation equals to the number of the country's population divided by 100). The Code also includes a provision guaranteeing that the number of constituencies created in each province will be no less than the integral number resulting from division of the number of inhabitants of the province by the norm of representation. One possible result of the introduction of single-member constituencies is that the most represented party will lose some seats to smaller parties or to independent candidates. Should the election of 2007 be held on the basis of the Election Code, the Civic Platform would probably lose 4 seats to the Law and Justice Party. Another effect of changing the size of constituencies will be solving the problem with wasted votes. Previously, under multi-member constituencies, a voter was able to (but didn't have to) choose as many candidates as was the number of seats to be obtained in the constituency. However, the voters have not always made use of that possibility. The bigger was the number of seats to be obtained in a constituency, the smaller was the proportion of voters indicating the whole possible number of candidates. During the elections in 2001, 2005 and 2007, about 24% of votes were wasted in this way. The Election Code has filled the loopholes in the existing law. Previously, the law has not provided for what to do when the number of candidates standing for a seat in a by-election equals the number of seats to be obtained in that election. In practice, elections were held, but voters had no opportunity to vote against candidates. By contrast, the Code provides for the possibility of casting a negative vote.
EN
This short article is connected with the issue of political image and how it impact on the elections result. It is obvious that nowadays when the ability of autopresentation very often decides about the future career and position the world of policy use it. In this article authors tried to analyze Polish politics and matched them to the canons of political images. This analysis was done by the vote's materials which was used by the last Polish presidential campaign in June 2010.
EN
Political marketing implements to the policy many tools by which communication becomes easier and the effectiveness of the political marketing activities increase. This article is an attempt to describe the most popular tools which are use in the modern election campaigns.
EN
The mediatization of political communication makes it possible to increase the number of electoral manipulations via media, whose aim is to change the competitive positions of subjects running in the election. Manipulation activities give the opportunity to affect voters’ decisions in a way that would be impossible without the media. Manipulations are performed by politicians, political parties or other subjects acting on their behalf. They can also be initiated by the governments of countries interested in influencing the directions of political changes in other countries. The presented study shows the possible use of media potential to manipulate election results. Such manipulations are possible in the situation of instrumental influence on the functioning of free and pluralistic media that allow political communication, or in the situation of instrumental influence on information, involving the creation and transmission of information in a non-objective way. The text focuses on the following types of electoral manipulations: (1) political influence of the government on the media; (2) political ‘agencification’ of the media; (3) limitations on carrying out election campaigns in the media; (4) the use of big data in political communication.
EN
Elections were a stable part of Hungarian political culture even before the eventful year of 1848. As such they were reflected in individual national literatures written in Hungary – especially in the Hungarian and Slovak ones. The novel by Ján Kalinčiak (1822 – 1871) Reštavrácia ([County elections], 1860) was thus not the only literary text that portrayed these events. In 1842, the popular Hungarian playwright Ignác Nagy (1810 – 1854) published a comedy under the same title. The novel by Ján Kalinčiak, despite the fact that it was published later, is much less political in its nature than Nagy’s play which in the context of county elections addressed such issues as the emancipation of women, the rights of Jews and the elimination of the political monopoly and tax advantages enjoyed by the gentry. Kalinčiak was primarily concerned with portraying a familial dispute between two gentry families in a fictitious county in northern Hungary. The dispute was resolved harmoniously and the national issues were addressed only marginally. Nevertheless, the novel and the play still have a lot in common. Besides the described social environment and the character of the main plot, these concern the frequent use of Latin expressions and dated language in general, the relatively realistic description of the events, frequent humorous motives, and the fact that the ending bears features of Biedermeier style.
first rewind previous Strona / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript jest wyłączony w Twojej przeglądarce internetowej. Włącz go, a następnie odśwież stronę, aby móc w pełni z niej korzystać.