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1
Content available remote Historická paměť a politická identita voličů KSČM
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EN
This paper deals with results of a special survey focused on the problem (issue) of historical consciousness of Communist Party voters. The opening part of the article presents a theoretical and methodological framework: there is introduced an operationalization of concepts such as collective memory, historical consciousness, collective identity, and also outlined the position of the Communist Party in the Czech post-communist political system. The empirical part of the text is devoted to the problems of Czech modern history, particularly to the way in which Communist Party electorate in different contexts assesses various historical periods or phenomena prior to 1989 and also how a subsequent systemic change is reflected.
EN
This article describes the attitudes of the Czech public towards the Velvet Revolution and towards the social situation preceding and following it. The text deals with the general image of Velvet Revolution in the context of modern Czech history, tracks public opinion on this event, deals with evaluations of the period before and after November 1989, and handles assessments of the whole previous period. The event of the Velvet Revolution in Czech history is seen predominantly as a highlight, and as a positive phase in Czech history. Similarly, the stage that followed is seen in a predominantly positive light, although not so much as the change of political regime itself. However, there is a significant difference between how Czech public opinion judged the first and second decades after the Velvet Revolution. According to the public, not all areas of society have showed improvement during the latter period; in some cases developments are viewed negatively.
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Content available remote Dějinné vědomí, tradice a výchova
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EN
This paper, which addresses the question of the relation between tradition and upbringing, assumes a conception of the person as a being with two fundamental characteristics: imperfection (incompleteness) and a capacity for being perfected by upbringing and education. Upbringing is then necessarily founded on tradition, on the continuity of generations – it is an introduction to a world which is older than all its current occupiers, and at the same time aims to prepare the young for a new life of their own in different conditions. The hermeneutical analysis of the connections between an historical consciousness, subject to a critical perspective on all that is handed down, with a tradition understood as the passing on of what has been received, makes a permanent claim on the upbringer and on upbringing. One of the possible ways of meeting this claim is presented by Gadamer in his conception of "legitimate prejudices", which bridges the divide between historical consciousness and tradition and, in addition, exploits the tension in upbringing we have mentioned.
EN
The article deals with theoretical and methodological aspects of interaction between Ukraine and EU in the context of actual needs to transform legal consciousness. Epistemological potential of rational synthesis of Philosophy of History and philosophy of Law in the process of conceiving historical and cultural peculiarities of democratic reforms is accentuated here. A specific character of experience to apply logic and historical methods in comparative Jurisprudence and perspectives of its implementation in the course of studying historical processes are being analyzed. Peculiarities of inward connections and interactions of the ideas of priority of Law and social justice are also specified. Special attention is paid here to logical and ethical aspects of Law work, historical and methodological potencial of experience. Nowadays , when we observe livening up of interdisciplinary studies in the sphere of the Humanities with the accent on pluralization of theoretical and methodological basis of historical writing as well as growing interest to the questions of evolution of national historical grand narrative and the style of thinking, the importance of a given methodological segment is gradually increasing.
EN
The paper deals with social memory research done by Polish and Czech sociologists. In Poland it started in the 1960s when an outline of a historical consciousness study was sketched byNinaAssorodobraj- Kula. Although her original concept was soon left out, a series of surveys was conducted. Recently memory has become a popular research field and numerous studies have been employing various research methods. In Czechoslovakia opinion polls on historical consciousness were conducted as early as in the 1940s, and recently a study has started in the Czech Republic that resembles and was probably influenced by earlier Polish survey research. In my paper I try to map out the research done in the two countries in order to identify typical features of the local studies. It seems that in spite of a large quantity of studies published, the character of most of Polish and Czech works on memory were purely descriptive, and any sociologically relevant problems started to be posed only recently. Therefore it may be suggested that although a certain common Polish and Czech tradition of memory research exists, it cannot be called sociological in any strict sense.
EN
Objectives: The purpose is to consider military-historical subjects as a tool of influence of the Russian Federation on the historical consciousness during the armed aggression against Ukraine. Material and methods: Methods. To achieve this, a literature review was conducted on the subject; Cases of manipulation of historical facts are presented in order to achieve political goals; a comparative analysis of the impact on the addressees of political texts with metamorphic elements expressed by metaphor and political texts without metamorphic elements. Results: It has been found that by obeying the political regime, historical science has become a tool for the Russian authorities to solve military and political problems in order to: mobilization and consolidation of the population of the Russian Federation in support of the foreign policy of the state; the ideological “justification” of the occupation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the hidden armed aggression in the east of Ukraine; massive influence on the population of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine using historical discourse. Conclusions: There is need to strengthen the protection of Ukrainian citizens from negative information influences, counteract manipulations of the public consciousness and disseminate untrue information, which should be implemented through the institutes of education, culture, and mass media.
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Content available remote Česká generační paměť druhé světové války
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EN
The1article adds to Second World War memory research by presenting the outcomes of a recent empirical survey conducted with two generations in the present‑day Czech Republic. One generation lived the majority of their lives under Communism while the second generation was born after the fall of Communism. The analysis revealed an important generational gap in the way the Second World War is remembered and perceived. While the older generation preferred to construct the Second World War rather as a set of home events focused on the traditional „Communist“ narrative of persecution and resistance, the younger generation tended to perceive the Second World War in more abstract, globalized and „western“ terms with the Holocaust as a key element. The article emphasizes a fact important for the present‑day Czech collective identities; this means the tendency of the young generation to perceive the war in abstract terms, but incorporating a home narrative of suffering.
EN
The Image of Alexander Kolchak and the Civil War of 1917 in Admiral, and contemporary Russian Historical Consciousness The article offers an analysis of the image of Alexander Kolchak in Russian cinematography. The most extensive portrayal of both this figure and of the Russian civil war is found in the film Admiral. Contemporary Russian historical consciousness has been modified or moulded by images conveyed in films. Historical cinema is an effective means by which attitudes to the past can are formed and may be used as a tool in carrying out historical politics.
PL
The Image of Alexander Kolchak and the Civil War of 1917 in Admiral, and contemporary Russian Historical Consciousness The article offers an analysis of the image of Alexander Kolchak in Russian cinematography. The most extensive portrayal of both this figure and of the Russian civil war is found in the film Admiral. Contemporary Russian historical consciousness has been modified or moulded by images conveyed in films. Historical cinema is an effective means by which attitudes to the past can are formed and may be used as a tool in carrying out historical politics.
PL
W obliczu postępującego nurtu działań w zakresie ochrony kultury materialnej, w tym zabytków historycznych należy zwrócić uwagę na możliwe zagrożenia w kwestii dbałości o ich dobry stan i utrzymanie. Artykuł prezentuje różne podejście do kwestii konserwacji i ochrony obiektów zabytkowych na podstawie regulacji prawnych krajowych i międzynarodowych. Celem artykułu jest identyfikacja zagrożeń obiektów historycznych, wynikających z braku kompleksowego podejścia do rekonstrukcji i konserwacji zabytków. Przy zastosowaniu badań ankietowych, przeprowadzonych wśród młodzieży licealnej określono stan wiedzy historycznej (świadomości historycznej). Anonimowa ankieta dotyczyła wydarzeń historycznych, postaci historycznych, związanych z miejscem, w którym była przeprowadzana. Na podstawie jej wyników można wnioskować o niezadowalającym stanie wiedzy o regionie, co może skutkować zatraceniem odrębności kulturowej i zanikiem patriotyzmu lokalnego.
EN
In the face of progressing actions toward conservation of material culture, including historical monuments, we should pay attention to possible threats to their good condition and maintenance. The paper presents various approaches to maintenance and protection of historic buildings based on national and international legal regulations. The aim of this paper is to identify the threats to historic sites, which result from lack of comprehensive approach to reconstruction and conservation of monuments. Knowledge of history among secondary school students has been tested using questionnaire research. The anonymous questionnaire concerned historic events and historic characters related to the place of testing. On the basis of the results, unsatisfactory knowledge of the region can be identified, which causes threats: perdition of cultural distinctiveness and vanishing of local patriotism.
EN
The article aims to present concisely and chronologically the most critical stages of the formation and evolution of the Germans’ historical consciousness and identity after the end of the World War II. This process was based on how German society dealt with the National Socialist dictatorship (the focus of this paper) and the communist dictatorship of the Socialist Unity Party (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands, SED). Multiple factors have, over the years, contributed to how the Germans’ have dealt with their past and to the increasing awareness of this nation of its initially ineffaceable guilt and responsibility for the memory of World War II, as well as its homicidal role in this war. Among them were the post-war acceptance and integration of the “expellees” in both German states, the gradual confrontation of German society with the subject of the Holocaust itself and its mass-scale nature (for instance through touting the Nuremberg and following trials of war criminals and their assistants), and holding public debates on challenging issues related to the past (not imposed from above, but resulting from the needs of German society-for example some disputes between historians, the Walser-Bubis debate). Literary works often inspired the latter (for example, Günter Grass’s “Crabwalk,” Jörg Friedrich’s “The Fire”) and exhibitions presented in Germany (for example, on the crimes of the Wehrmacht). These considerations are a form of introduction to the second part of this article presenting the most important conclusions from an analysis, conducted by the author in 2014, of public speeches of prominent German (and Polish) politicians from the period 1989–2011 on subjects related to history. Its results confirmed that prominent German politicians are conscious of the guilt of Germans’ fathers and grandparents-not only for the outbreak of World War II, but above all for the Holocaust and crimes committed against a number of national, ethnic, and other groups-and they admit it. However, it is noticeable that the Germans’ knowledge about the criminal occupation of Central and Eastern Europe and the role of Poland in the overthrow of communism and the reunification of Germany is low and insufficient from the Polish perspective, among others.
EN
The article discusses the role of the image of Russia as a factor of the formation of the Polish national identity at the present stage of development. The paper notes that in the dichotomy of “friend or foe” image of Russia rather looks like “foe” – not in conformity with Polish values. At the same time, the article emphasizes the idea of the complexity and diversity of the Polish society, the lack of unity of perception of the image of Russia and Russian–Polish relations.
RU
В статье рассматривается роль образа России как фактора формирования польской национальной идентичности на современном этапе развития страны. В работе отмечается, что в дихотомии «свой-чужой» образ России скорее играет роль «чужого», не соответствующего польским ценностям. Вместе с тем, в статье акцентируется мысль о сложности и многогранности польского общества, отсутствии единства восприятия образа России и российско-польских отношений.
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Content available remote Bílá hora ve stínu Mariánského sloupu:
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EN
In 2020, the 400th anniversary of the Battle of White Mountain (a defeat of the Protestant Bohemian estates by the armies of Emperor Ferdinand II and the Catholic League, 8 November 1620) intersected with the erection of the renewed Marian Column on Old Town Square in Prague (the original Baroque column was demolished after the fall of the Habsburg monarchy on 3 November 1918). These two events were marked by a significant resonance in the media. The article evaluates how the Catholic, Protestant and Hussite Churches or the journalism not tied to the ecclesiastical structures reacted to these controversial events. It demonstrates the impact of the struggles between Catholics and Protestants in the 17th century on contemporary religious controversies and on ecumenical endeavours, media propaganda and historical consciousness in the 21st century.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono propozycję dwóch socjologicznych modeli badań problematyki postaw wobec historii i przeszłości wraz ze skrótowym omówieniem wyników badania ankietowego przeprowadzonego na ogólnopolskiej próbie reprezentatywnej 3744 uczniów drugich klas szkół ponadgimnazjalnych (76 liceów, 65 techników i 28 zasadniczych szkół zawodowych) w 2015 r. Zastosowano dwa rodzaje warstwowania: ze względu na typ szkoły oraz wielkość miejscowości. Operat losowania został opracowany na podstawie bazy danych pochodzącej z Systemu Informacji Oświatowej. Z operatu wyłączono szkoły specjalne oraz szkoły liczące mniej niż 10 uczniów. Pierwszy model został opracowany na podstawie koncepcji funkcjonalności (żywotności) pamięci zbiorowej. W jego ramach zaproponowano typologię postaw, która popiera się na doświadczaniu historii w życiu codziennym. Wyróżniono postawy: antykwaryczną, historyczną i monumentalną (uzupełnioną o wymiar rodzinny, lokalny oraz narodowy). Drugi model opiera się na strukturalnej definicji postaw, rozpowszechnionej w Polsce przez Stefana Nowaka, w ramach której wyróżnia się trzy komponenty: afektywny, poznawczy, behawioralny.
EN
This article presents two models for conducting sociological research on attitudes towards history, with a brief discussion on the results of a survey conducted in 2015 on a sample of 3744 students of upper secondary schools. The first model is based on the concept of collective memory, its functionality and viability. It relates to a typology of attitudes based on the experience of history in everyday life (the so-called antiquary, historical and monumental dimensions). This typology is enriched with the idea of family, local and national levels. The second model is the structural definition of attitudes, popularized in Poland by Stefan Nowak, founded on three components of attitudes (affective, cognitive and behavioral).
EN
Torn between patriotic, civic and disciplinary aspirations. Evolving faces of Belgian and Flemish history education, from 1830 to the futureHistory education worldwide faces competing, rival visions and even contrasting expectations. Those expectations can be clustered in three main groups, each pursuing a different main goal for and a different approach towards studying the past: ‘nation-building and social cohesion’, ‘democratic participation and civic behavior’, and ‘disciplinary understanding’. This contribution examines how secondary school history education in Belgium (since its establishment in 1830) has been given shape, and how its main goals have evolved. Belgium (and later on Flanders) serves as an interesting case study, as the country testifies to a difficult, contested past, has evolved into a nation-state in decline, and is increasingly characterized by intercontinental immigration. Using the three clusters of rival expectations as an analytical framework, it is analyzed what the consecutive main goals for the school subject of history have been, which changes occurred throughout the past two centuries and why, and what have been the effects of these different types of history education on young people. The analysis allows to discern three main stages in the history of history education in Belgium/Flanders. For all three, the main goals are explained, and their effects examined. This contribution concludes with critically discussing the different aims, and, while reporting on the current reform of the school subject of history in Flanders, setting a fourth aim to the fore. Rozziew pomiędzy aspiracjami patriotycznymi, obywatelskimi i zrozumieniem dyscypliny. Ewolucja oblicza nauczania historii w szkołach Belgii i Flandrii od 1830 roku i jego przyszłośćNa całym świecie nauczanie historii napotyka konkurujące i rywalizujące ze sobą wyobrażenia, a nawet rodzi sprzeczne oczekiwania. Oczekiwania owe można ująć w trzy kompleksy zasadniczych zagadnień, przy czym każdy z nich ma inny główny cel studiowania przeszłości i inaczej do niego podchodzi; są to: „budowanie narodu i spójność społeczna”, „demokratyczna partycypacja i postawy obywatelskie” oraz „rozumienie dyscypliny”. Artykuł omawia, w jaki sposób kształtowało się nauczanie historii w szkołach średnich w Belgii (od jej powstania w 1830 roku) i jak ewoluowały jego główne cele. Belgia (a później Flandria) służy jako interesujący przypadek badawczy, gdyż kraj ten doświadczył trudnej, kontestowanej przeszłości, stał się państwem jednonarodowym w upadku i coraz bardziej właściwa mu jest międzykontynentalna imigracja. Wykorzystując wspomniane wyżej trzy kompleksy złożonych oczekiwań jako analityczne ramy badawcze, autor analizuje najistotniejsze zadania, które stoją przed przedmiotem szkolnym historia, następnie omawia zmiany, które zaszły w tym zakresie w minionych dwóch stuleciach i wyjaśnia ich przyczyny, a wreszcie docieka, jaki wpływ odmienne rodzaje nauczania historii wywarły na młodych ludzi. Analiza pozwala wyróżnić trzy zasadnicze etapy w dziejach nauczania historii w Belgii / Flandrii. Autor objaśnia, jakie główne cele stały przed wszystkimi trzema grupami i jakie przyniosły efekty. Artykuł zamyka krytyczna ocena omawianych celów oraz przedstawienie aktualnie mającej miejsce reformy przedmiotu szkolnego historia we Flandrii, a na końcu wskazanie czwartego celu: edukacji na przyszłość. [Trans. by Jacek Serwański]
PL
Artykuł prezentuje socjologiczno-empiryczną analizę poziomu patriotyzmu, świadomości historycznej i kształtowania morale wśród żołnierzy zawodowych Wojska Polskiego oraz diagnozę procesu edukacji obywatelskiej i proobronnej, prowadzonego w strukturach resortu obrony narodowej. Aspekty te implikują stosunek wojskowych do służby, a w konsekwencji rzutują na bezpieczeństwo państwa i narodu. Postawy patriotyczne i proobronne wiążą się ze znajomością historii Polski i świadomością historyczną żołnierzy, a zaangażowanie obywatelskie wyrażane jest poprzez stosunek żołnierzy do munduru, symboli wojskowych i narodowych, ich zainteresowanie sprawami publicznymi, a także aktywność społeczną w ramach służby wojskowej i poza nią. Cechy te kształtowane są wśród kadry zawodowej Wojska Polskiego poprzez ustawicznie realizowany w wojsku proces kształcenia obywatelskiego, który jest jednym z elementów szkolenia żołnierzy. Podstawą do analizy poruszanych zagadnień są wyniki badań przeprowadzonych przez Wojskowe Biuro Badań Społecznych, działające w ramach Wojskowego Centrum Edukacji Obywatelskiej, które zrealizowano w marcu i kwietniu 2017 r. na reprezentatywnej próbie żołnierzy zawodowych Wojska Polskiego. Wyniki sondażu udowadniają, że realizacja zajęć z zakresu kształcenia obywatelskiego w środowisku wojskowym przyczynia się do świadomego poszerzania wiedzy historycznej, jak również pomaga żołnierzom internalizować właściwe postawy obywatelskie, oparte na silnym poczuciu patriotyzmu i odpowiedzialności, zarówno w życiu zawodowym, jak i społecznym. Trzeba jednak zauważyć, że jest to efekt procesu ciągłego, dlatego warto kontynuować programy edukacyjne wśród kadry zawodowej, które przyczyniają się, jak dowodzą dane empiryczne, do budowania i podtrzymywania poczucia patriotyzmu i zaangażowania obywatelskiego żołnierzy. Należy podejmować działania wpływające na poprawę takich postaw, zwłaszcza w korpusie szeregowych zawodowych. Wynikiem tego może być wyższe morale, silniejsza więź z wojskiem i społeczeństwem, a przez to większe zaangażowanie w sprawy kraju i wzmacnianie jego bezpieczeństwa.
EN
Analysis of issues brought up is based on findings conducted by the Military Bureau of Public Examinations, acting as part of the Military Centre of Civil Education which was carried out in the March and April 2016 on the representative test on regular soldiers of Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland. Results of the survey are proving that constantly classes conducted in the environment for servicemen in the scope of the civil education are contributing to recognize values by his civil, dictated members of real conducts with strong feeling the patriotism and the responsibility, both in the working life as well as social. However although empirical data are an indicator of enough big feeling the patriotism and civil employing regular soldiers, one should take action affecting the improvement in such attitudes, especially in the corps of professional privates. With result of it a higher morale can be, stronger bond with the army and the society, and because of that bigger involving in matters the country and is strengthening The article presents a sociological and empirical analysis of the level of patriotism, historical awareness and forming of the morale among professional soldiers of the Polish Army, as well as the diagnosis of the process of civic and aimed at defense education conducted within the structures of the Ministry of National Defense. These aspects imply the attitude of the soldiers to military service and, as a consequence, affect the security of the state and nation. Patriotic and aimed at defense attitudes relate to the knowledge of Polish history and the historical consciousness of the soldiers. Civic engagement is expressed through the attitude of soldiers to uniform, military and national symbols, their interest in public affairs, and social activity within the military service and beyond. These characteristics are shaped by the professional cadres of the Polish Army through the continuously implemented civic education in the army, which is one of the elements of training soldiers. The analysis of the discussed issues based on the results of a study conducted by the Military Social Research Office, operating within the Military Civic Education Center, which was carried out in March and April 2017 on a representative sample of professional soldiers of the Polish Army. The results of the survey demonstrate that the implementation of civic education in the military environment contributes to a conscious enrichment of historical knowledge, as well as helps the soldiers to internalize proper civic attitudes, based on a strong sense of patriotism and responsibility, both in their professional and social lives. It is important to note, however, that this is a continuous process, so it is important to continue educational programs among professionals that contribute, as empirical studies prove, to building and sustaining a sense of patriotism and civic engagement of the soldiers. Action is needed to improve such attitudes, especially in the professional corps. This all can gives a result in higher morale, stronger ties with the military and society, and therefore greater involvement in the affairs of the country and strengthening its security.
Tematy i Konteksty
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2019
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tom 14
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nr 9
109-115
EN
In this paper I combine several different notions from broadly conceived humanities and two histories: of Poland and of Portugal at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries. I comprehend here the experiencing of history as a way of treating one’s own, national past. The metaphor of experiencing history is related to the question of what the historical circumstances and situations are, what the purpose is and what history is referred to by the elites who are instrumental in shaping national identity. Melancholy of the past is already a partial answer-thesis to the question: In what way? The notion of peripheral cultures seems to be useful when we attempt to answer the question: in what situations and for what purpose we (the Portuguese and the Poles) referred, but also still continue to refer, to the past/history. Some considerations on the experience of history will have the following two Unions in the background: the Iberian Union (1580) and the Union of Lublin (1569).
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Content available O POŻYTKACH Z NAUCZANIA-UCZENIA SIĘ HISTORII
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EN
The question about the benefits of historical education is serious in the Polish cultural space. The most prominent Poles spoke about this issue. Marshal Józef Piłsudski, for example, said: "Who does not respect and does not value his past is not worthy of respect in the present or right for the future." The Nobel Prize winner Czesław Miłosz assured that: "Whoever talks about history is always safe." Pope John Paul II said this in a more emphatic manner, namely: "A nation that does not know its past dies and does not build the future." Our great countrymen were right. It's history that makes us Poles. Thanks to it, we have our own state, laws, symbols, language, culture, religion and national imaginarium. Thanks to historical education, we know the price and the rank of these values. We can talk about them, even telling alternative stories. We can feel pride, responsibility, admiration, assertiveness, aversion and hate. Historiography meets our integration, psychological, political, cultural, educational, social, artistic, folk, compensation and personal needs. It can be either a "big national flag" or a "quiet haven for hobbyists". This is what the above article is about..
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