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EN
The contribution focuses on the early period of the first state of Israel at the end of the 10th century BC. It is based on literary and archaeological sources. Biblical text is extremely complex, multilayered and complicated. Therefore it should be considered extremely carefully. Saul was an important figure in the early history of Israel, which was able to create the first structure of the early state, but he could not resist multiple threats, whether from external enemies, especially the Philistines, or internal, e.g. David. Saul died on the battlefield and his dynasty ended after a few years.
EN
In addition to the bloodstained battle in Lebanon, the closing years of the 1970s also saw the Israelis at loggerheads with the Palestinians on the diplomatic “battlefield.” While the Israeli representatives continued to refuse any idea of negotiation with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), arguing that it was a terrorist group whose main aim was to destroy Israel; the PLO representatives struggled to assure world leaders that they were ready to accept a diplomatic settlement of the conflict based on mutual compromise. The hopes that the American president Jimmy Carter had given to the Palestinians at the beginning of his office were not fulfilled. Carter’s 1977 idea of a “Palestinian homeland” had not been realized. In contrast, the occupation of Palestinian territory and the construction of new illegal Israeli settlements intensified. Therefore, Yāsir cArafāt, the PLO chairman, needed to search for international support elsewhere.
EN
Palestinian, Israeli and Arabic literatures have developed, for the past 60 years, in such a close geographic proximity, yet so far apart. Sixty years after the Nakba, and the establishment of the Israeli State, the battle of terminology continues not only bloodily on the ground, but also silently in literature. Despite many taboos, all three players are present in the others' literature, unnamed, untouched, and thus sometimes even more present. The authoress decided to analyze three novels. The first is by a great Palestinian writer Jabra Ibrahim J a b r a Gabra Ibrahim G a b r a, 'In Search of Walid Masoud' (Arab. Bahth' an Walid Mas'ud). The second is written by one of the most important Israeli writers of the so-called 'Statehood Generation' (1960s-1980s), A.B. Ye h o s h u a, 'The Lover'. Her third case is a novella story from modern Arabic literature, published only last year in Damascus 'Yawmiyyat Yahudi min Dimashq' by Ibrahim a l - D j a b i n. Through those authors the authoress tried to examine how 'the other' is portrayed. She has put the politics aside, and tried to see the Arab-Israeli conflict through a purely literary lens.
EN
The passage of Resolution 242 by the UN Security Council from the 22nd November 1967 was a major diplomatic achievement in the Arab-Israeli conflict. It emphasised “the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war” and contained the formula that has since underlain all peace initiatives – land for peace. In exchange for withdrawing from Egyptian, Jordanian, and Syrian territory captured in the 1967 war, Israel was promised peace by the Arab states. The resolution provides the basis on which the peace talks between Israel and the Arabs could be conducted.
EN
Israel’s military victory over the Arabs in June 1967 provoked a widespread reaction and a search for a way out throughout the Arab world and, in the case of Syria, led to the overthrow of the ruling regime. In the autumn of 1970 Ḥāfiẓ al-Asad seized power, and his regime represented the arrival of new elites from rural backgrounds to replace the traditional urban politicians and representatives of business circles. It was an authoritarian regime whose power base was the army and the Bac th Party. The sole ruler wielded absolute power and became the object of a personality cult. The regime adopted socialist-type economic policies and advocated egalitarian reforms.
Slavica Slovaca
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2020
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tom 55
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nr 3
417 – 426
EN
It is commonly held among specialists on ancient Near East that women in ancient Israel did not have much space in official public sphere. However, biblical texts witness to their special role as mourners. This paper presents some terminological considerations regarding the mourning women as presented in the Hebrew Bible (esp. Jer 9,16-21), the rituals that accompanied mourning, and the meaning of these women for society. Furthermore, the paper considers the role of the mourning women in the cultic life (Ez 8,14). Finally, a particular attention will be paid to Ritzpah, a special case of a mourning woman in the Bible (2 Sam 21,1-14).
EN
At the beginning of the 1990s it seemed that the peace process in which the American mediator was engaged would lead to a final agreement between Israelis and Palestinians. Subsequent American administrations had at their disposal instruments that enabled them to influence the sides of the conflict, but the calming of the conflict depended mainly on Israelis and Palestinians themselves. The American side, however, had more understanding for the arguments of the Israeli governments than for Palestinian postulates. Even the personal involvement of President Clinton could not break the growing impasse during the summit at Camp David. The mediations were an evident failure as they did not bring a significant change in the optics of the conflict - mutual mistrust remained and did not disappear even after American diplomacy gave guarantees for Israel and Palestinian Autonomy. The 'road map' presented by President G.W. Bush, which was to create a broad framework for a future agreement did not lead to a breakthrough, similarly to the conference in Annapolis (November 2007). The Republican administration almost from the beginning approved the policy of the Israeli authorities and one-sided initiatives such as withdrawal from Gaza or the construction of the so-called security fence. The complicated situation aggravated further after the victory of Hamas in the election of 2006, not to mention the conflict of Israel and Hamas in Gaza at the turn of 2008/2009. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict will certainly require a more intensive mediatory involvement of the USA as part of a new American strategy towards the Near East.
EN
The article aims to describe the mutual political and diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and the State of Israel in 1960–1967. The period of the 1960s in Czechoslovakia was characterized by a partial liberalization and relaxation of the communist regime in various areas such as politics, economy and culture and so on. This process culminated in the well-known Prague Spring of 1967–1968. By using concrete examples, the author explains whether these changes were reflected by Czechoslovak diplomacy in its attitude towards Israel in any way. Special attention is given to Czechoslovak views on Adolf Eichmann’s trial in Jerusalem in 1962, and to the events of the Six Days War in 1967 that led to the official dissolution of Czechoslovak-Israeli diplomatic relations.
EN
Israel was in occupation of the Sinai Peninsula, the Golan Heights, East Jerusalem and the West Bank of the River Jordan by the 10th June 1967. The effect on all three countries was devastating, but especially for Jordan, which lost a third of its population and its prime agricultural land, and control of the Islamic and Christian sites in Jerusalem. The enormity of the defeat brought about a great change in the attitude of the Palestinians, a large number of whom now became convinced that the Arab regimes were either unable or unwilling to liberate Palestine. The Palestine Liberation Organization’s new tactics began to pose a severe threat to the continuation of the Jordanian monarchy, so in 1970 its guerrillas were driven out of Jordan. Over the next few years the Jordanian government gradually reasserted its authority over the country. Jordan did not participate in the war of October 1973. However, King Ḥusayn, along with his fellow Arab leaders, was obliged to recognize the PLO as the “sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people” at the Rabat Arab summit in October 1974, which inevitably diminished both his authority, and much of what was left of his appeal, on the West Bank.
EN
The article deals with the criticism of the nationalist-cum-religious nature of the State of Israel, developed by the Israeli New Left organisation commonly known by the name of its press organ 'Matzpen' (Hebr. compass). The development of Matzpen's anti-Zionist concepts is shown from the birth of that organisation to Yom Kippur war (of 1973). The views of Matzpen are juxtaposed to the classic anti-Zionist document of Marxist Left that was independent of the Kremlin, namely, the resolution 'Israel vs. the Arab Revolution', passed by the U.S. Socialist Workers' Party (SWP) in 1971. The position of Matzpen, which acknowledged Israel's right to existence, was to become a minority view among the New Left organizations, compared to the denial of such right, represented, for example, by the aforementioned SWP. Despite its small size, Matzpen and its activists staying in the West were profoundly significant for the New Left, providing it with evidence that radical anti-Zionism free of any suspicions of anti-Semitic inspiration was possible.
EN
Tel Rekhesh located in the vicinity of Mt. Tabor, north Israel, is one of the two largest sites in the Lower Eastern Galilee and the only site that has a long settlement history of over 3,000 years. The excavation of the site was commenced in March 2006 by the Expedition for the Archaeology of the Land of Israel. The main aim of the excavation was to investigate the settlement history of the site in order to supply a lack of archaeological data for the Eastern Lower Galilee. Four main areas were excavated in order to achieve this aim: 1) the lower terrace; 2) the north-eastern edge of the acropolis ('gate' area); 3) the south-western and south-eastern edges of the acropolis; and 4) the southern slope. Approximately 820 square meters (fifty-one squares) were excavated over five seasons.
EN
In the years following the June 1967 War, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict intruded on Lebanese political life. This development, in combination with demographic and political changes taking place inside Lebanon itself, upset the country’s fragile sectarian balance and plunged it into fifteen years of vicious and destructive civil war. The civil war was not an exclusively Lebanese affair; it was precipitated by the Palestinian presence in the country and soon attracted external intervention by Syria and Israel, thus bringing to an end the attempts of Lebanon’s political leaders to insulate their country from the wider regional conflict. Support for the Palestinians came primarily from Muslims alienated by the existing system, which benefited the political leaders and their associates but failed to provide basic social services to broad sections of the population. The social and economic grievances of Muslims were compounded by the sectarian arrangements that continued to favour the country’s Christians. Long before the crisis of the 1970s, Lebanon’s political leaders recognized that Muslims outnumbered Christians and that the largest single religious grouping in the country was the Sh’ia Muslim community.
13
Content available remote PALESTINSKÝ KAIROS – MOMENT PRAVDY
88%
EN
The article deals with a document “Moment of truth: A word of faith, hope, and love from the heart of Palestinian suffering“, of the Palestinian Kairos initiative. It has a two-fold structure. In the first part it briefly presents the socio-political and theological context of Palestinian Christianity and focuses on recent activities of some foreign churches and church organisations which are working in Palestinian territory. It also highlights the importance of ecumenical activities in Palestine. The author further introduces the document itself, its structure and some significant features and compares it with earlier similar documents of South African churches and of Muslim representatives. The article also presents some reactions of churches and church organisations as well as some negative receptions. The second part includes the author‘s Czech translation of the document with some comments.
EN
The Arab defeat at the hands of Israel in the June War prompted a period of soul-searching throughout the Arab world and led, in the case of Syria, to the overthrow of the existing regime. In Syria Hāfiz al-Asad seized power in 1970 and his regime represented the rise of new elites of rural origins at the expense of the established urban politicians and merchants. The regime was authoritarian, basing its power on the military and the Bacth Party. The sole ruler held absolute power and became the object of a personality cult. The regime adopted socialist economic policies and stood for egalitarian reform. For Hāfiz al-Asad, the persistent conflict with Israel took precedence over all foreign policy considerations. He believed that it was Syria’s duty to resist the Israeli threat and work in the cause of Arab unity. His regional policy was popular in Syria and helped to solidify his domestic position during the early years of his rule. However, his embroilment in the Lebanese civil war undermined his reputation both at home and in the wider Arab world. On 18 October 1976, Syria and the PLO accepted a cease-fire drawn up by Arab heads of state, and the worst of the fighting came to a halt. The terms of the agreement provided for the stationing of an Arab deterrent force to maintain law and order. In reality, the force was composed almost exclusively of Syrian troops whose presence enabled Hāfiz al-Asad to continue his efforts to shape the Lebanese situation to suit the needs of Damascus. However, his forces had become bogged down in a costly and indecisive military occupation.
EN
When Jamāl cAbdannāṣir died, the Egyptian regime lost its solid stabilization element. His personal charisma had been the regime’s greatest asset. His unexpected death on the 28th September 1970 ushered a period of uncertainty, as the new era was marked by a creeping retreat from the fundamental pillars of Egypt’s domestic and foreign policy at the time. In order to understand the nature of the goals, means and style of the policy of his successor Anwar as-Sādāt, it is necessary to focus on the latter’s perception of international and regional politics, including for example, the moves of the superpowers towards détente, the military balance between Israel and the Arab countries; and competition within the Arab world. Anwar as-Sādāt created his own ways of manipulating the constraints on Egypt and using his capabilities in developing foreign policy at the local, regional and global levels.
EN
The mutual relations between Czechoslovakia and Israel in the 20th century encountered many remarkable changes. While for quite a short period in the late 1940s the diplomatic relations between these two states was very cooperative and friendly, in the early 1950s the situation was totally reversed. Antisemitism was an integral part of the show trials with Rudolf Slánský, the former General Secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, and his co-workers in 1951 – 1952. The essential part of these political processes was the trials with two Israeli citizens Mordechai Oren and Shimon Orenstein. The arrests of both men implicated a political scandal in Israel and also had a very negative impact on the contemporary diplomatic relations of Czechoslovakia and Israel. This article aims to describe in detail this story and to analyze the impacts of the imprisonments of the two men (sometimes known as Prisoners of Prague) on mutual relations between Czechoslovakia and Israel in 1950s.
EN
The intent of this article is to show how the creation of the state of Israel and the defeat of the Arab forces in 1967 have contributed to the promotion of certain eschatological expectations among Christian fundamentalists in America and how these expectations are reflected in their pro-Israeli activities. At the same time the autoress wants to point to the way in which the same events have affected the concepts of apocalyptic scenarios in contemporary Islam.
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tom 21
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nr 1
106 – 121
EN
The June War changed the regional balance in the Middle East, weakening the position of Arab states. The three Arab countries directly involved in the war with Israel lost an important and strategic part of their territories. After a swift air and ground attack, Egypt lost the Sinai Peninsula, which resulted in the closure of the Suez Canal, unfavourably affecting the Egyptian state budget. Syria was pushed out of the Golan Heights – an excellent vantage point for shelling Damascus. This military weakness led top governmental representatives to consider the possibility of a new Israeli attack. Jordan suffered a real loss, not only of territorial but also religious significance. It lost control of the whole West Bank of the Jordan River, including East Jerusalem. Jordanian King Eusayn was aware of the fact that the Israeli seizure of the West Bank called for quick action as a long-term occupation could thwart the unification of the kingdom.
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