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The paper gives an analytical description of the ideology of the Slavonic spirit as an essence of a culture. The principles of this ideology, from which a pretension on historical mission has been derived, was articulated by Russian Slavophils. In his writing 'Slavism and the world of future' Ludovit Stúr outlines this ideology to the Central-European Slavs as well as to justify the need of adopting pan-Russian Slavism. His vocabulary and style are marked by the political romanticism, while his conceptual map embodies dichotomies such as West/East, we/the others, religion/secularism. He finds the West to be in the state of the political and the moral decline, while the East (the Russian Slavism) is seen by him as the ground of a new civilization. The back-ground of this way of thinking is his conservative utopism.
The author of the study assumes that some poems can presently be regarded as manifestos of the idea of Slavism. He concentrates on the poem/song by Samuel Tomasik (1813–1887) 'Hej, Slovaci' (Hey, Slovaks) which is known as 'Hej, Slovania' (Hey, Slavia) outside of Slovakia and designated as a Pan-Slavic anthem. It was created in 1834 in Prague where Tomasik felt that Slavic nations are threatened by Germanization. His alarming cry was not only an indication of danger, but also an encouragement to the fight for national survival. The study focuses on the reception of Tomasik‘s song in the Serbian and the Croatian environment, and partially even in Bohemia. Nevertheless, the author also pays attention to translations and adaptations of other mobilizing poems and songs in the Slovak, the Serbian and the Croatian linguistic environment. Although a common Slavic ideological aspect dominated in the poetry of these literatures, each of them manifested peculiarities based on a different socio-political development in the distant past and in the period of formation of national movements, which was characterised by a gradual transition from Kollar's idea of Pan-Slavism to the ideas forming and consolidating the national identity based on Slavism. That is the reason why the readings of Tomasik's song (but also of other poems) in various environments differed to a lesser or greater extant from the original. Already in the 1830s and 1840s, it turned out that the basic ideological dimension (Slovak-Slavic) could not function on the basis of Slovakhood, and that the title and Tomasik's first two verses are untranslatable; they can only be adapted. The poem's / song's Pan-Slavic dimension overlaid its rhetoric, the ideological power enabled the poem to become general, to go through the process of transformation from the domination of the individual (Slovak) to the domination of the general (Slavic). The Slovak language and the Slovak nation in the first and the second verse had to be substituted by other words. The author analyzes the translations and adaptations in detail; he pays attention to the translations of the significant first two verses, which form a reliable basis for the assessment of the extent of the shift from the original. The author explores these processes against the wider historical background and concludes that the adaptations / translations begun to flourish primarily in the environments with a smaller population and of the mostly threatened nations, while neither geographical peculiarities nor population size were a decisive factor. The ideological, defensive and mobilizing aspects of Tomasik's original were accepted by members of all the threatened nations. The translations to the languages of the dominant and highly populated nations did not originate on the basis of the fight for liberty and for the preservation of national identity, but were motivated by the ideas of Slavism, or by the interest in Slavism as well as by the fact that the song has also a wider humanistic dimension.
Self-determination towards the Germans, Germany and the German national consciousness based on a concept of the opposite German nature presented a constant in the Czech national discourse of the 19the and the first half of the 20th century, which was a traditionally emerging auto-stereotype of the Slavic 'dove' nature. An important feature of this idea, especially in the first half of the 19th century, was compensation of cultural insufficiency which they experienced: absence of 'great' history connected with wars and subjugation of foreign territories was partly a historically compensated by an emphasis on the Slavs' own 'peacefulness' connected with enforcement of Herder's concept of universal humanity. From the late 19th century, contemplation on the Slavic nature can be divided into two lines: pseudo-scientific and sociological line connected with natural sciences and geographical determinism and the older idealistic line operating with facts concerning history, culture and ideas. Both approaches refer to a different concept of the nation, which was specified by utterly different values such as idea, programme or substance and existence. Despite this fundamental difference, their outcomes were of a similar nature; they had a similar identifying and ideological function, pointed to the national present or future time and demanded an alternative to historicism. The stereotype of the 'peaceful' Slavic nature played an important role in attempts to formulate political and cultural programmes based on the idea of Slavic affinity.
Among the fundamental ideas on which the rise of Slovak national identity was based is the idea of Slavism. In its context, Vajanský promoted his historicist concept of development of Slavism under the Russian domination, which would be in his view a new epoch in the accomplishment as the ideal of humanity. This idea followed Herder’s vision of the historical and cultural mission of the Slavs. Vajanský’s russophilia derived from the political view and ethnical romanticism of Ľ. Štúr as well as from Russian slavianophiles and the panslavism of N. J. Danilevski. Thus the new objective of Vajanský became an alliance of Slavic nations in which the national individuality would be still preserved.
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