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EN
The text with some additions introduces to Czech audience a work of Scott L. Althaus and Devon M. Largio, who back in 2004 were analyzing origins and consequences of shift in America's public enemy no. 1 from Osama bin Laden to Iraqi president Saddam Hussein that occurred during period after 9/11 terrorist attacks on WTC and Pentagon and before U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003. By charting the changing levels of public attention given to Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein in American news coverage and in president G. W. Bush's public statements and by comparison of these trends with a full range survey findings that appear to reveal widespread misperceptions about the link between Iraq and the 9/11 attacks, their analysis provided a clear perspective on the timing and impact of the administration's communication efforts as well as revealed a fact contradictory to popular view that mistaken beliefs about Saddam Hussein's culpability were less a product of the Bush administration's public relations campaign than of the 9/11 attacks themselves. The text tries to point out some more general incidence of these findings relating to relationship of political, news and public agendas as well as methodology and interpretations of polls.
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Content available remote Politická kultura: koncept a mínění české veřejnosti
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EN
The article is based on the importance of the political culture in Czech public opinion. Following the data obtained at Public Opinion Research Centre's polls the authoress analyses how critical are Czech citizens when talking about political culture of most of politically active people. The first part of the article is devoted to the explanation of the concept of political culture and its use in sociological and politological theory.
EN
The following text outlines some aspects of people's decision making process during elections in modern mass democracies. Particularly, the aspect of (in)competence of electorate or, as the case may be, the problem of rationality of the political audience that creates the public opinion. The arguments proving the discrepancy between the normative and the empiric character of public opinion are purposely disbalanced based on the evaluation of reality. This, however, does not in any way influence the evaluation of adequacy of the democratic normative.
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Content available remote České vězeňství viděné optikou veřejného mínění
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EN
The article concerns the prison system. In the first part are described attitudes of public opinion towards crime and prison system. Not only in the terms of causes of criminal behavior. It also brings an evaluation of particular conditions and facilities which are available or which would be hypothetically available for prisoners in contemporary Czech prison system. The second part brings information about prison from prisoners point of view. It sums up the particular needs and problems resulting from imprisonment. And the third part comes with a comparison of prisoners and public opinion attitudes on some moral dilemmas of chosen kinds of human behavior.
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Content available remote Americké protiraketové základny v ČR a Polsku z pohledu domácí veřejnosti
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EN
The text focuses on public opinion in Czech Republic and Poland relating to the plan of U.S. government to locate some parts of U.S. national missile defence in these countries. It describes and compares main shifts of developments of public attitudes in both countries to the project as well as to eventual referendum in this matter within the period up to the first half of 2007. The text shows main demographical, societal and political differences in both countries and discusses reasons and motives behind particular attitudes of Czech and Polish citizens.
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Content available remote Manželství a jeho význam v pojetí české veřejnosti
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EN
Family may be defined as a relatively durable group of persons which is based on blood relations, is caused by marriage eventually by adoption and its main functions are reproduction, upbringing, but also carry over cultural models. Meaning of marriage institution is very often discussed topic not only in context of this definition. These discussions are provoked not only by opinions and questions in terms of marriage as an outworn institution, but also by the results of demographic statistic. In these results we can see trends of decreasing nuptiality, perhaps even weakening of family in the basic word sense (low fertility in general, growth of proportion of extramarital born children etc.). Introductory part of this article affords view of continuance of nuptiality during the twentieth century and also outline of some aspects that contribute to current nuptiality situation. The second part is focused on attitudes of Czech public towards marriage and on their ideas about importance and sense of marriage as well.
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Content available remote Evropská unie jako globální aktér
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EN
This article deals with the analysis of public opinion in the non-European countries and with their view about the European Union. The study is not yet an analysis of foreign and trade policies of these countries, but it based on the opinions of their inhabitants. The citizens of these countries assessed the EU as 'soft power' and as an economic superpower. Highly valued are the activities in the field of peaceful reconstruction of the former war regions, however, it is alleged that it uses few use its economical potential in resolving conflicts. However the Union is criticized for their protectionist policies in the import. Politically remains the union largely unimportant player in international relations.
EN
The article pursues how the concept of 'social cohesion' is understood by the Czech public. Firstly, the respondents predominantly do not know the concept; in addition spontaneous answers to the open-ended questions show that different meanings are associated with this concept. The second part analyses the battery of statements 'what creates a cohesive society'. Three latent dimensions were identified: values of reciprocity and equality, collective identity and European liberalism. We can consider them general value orientations to arrangement of social relations. Only the first dimension is very weakly linked with the position in society. Correlations with political orientations and preferences, albeit weak, corroborate two-dimensionality of political values of the Czech population. In general, we can find two basic meaning spheres in public opinion, how should be achieved a cohesive society: consensus (a unity of values, common goals) and 'functional interpersonal relations' (social justice, solidarity, mutual assistance, decency and confidence).
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Content available Polska i Unia Europejska w tekstach humorystycznych
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PL
Celem artykułu było bliższe przyjrzenie się wizerunkowi relacji Polski i Unii Europejskiej w jednorodnym typie tekstów, jakim są kawały. Wykorzystano funkcjonujące w Internecie kawały o Unii Europejskiej, tkwiące głęboko w polskiej tradycji kawałów politycznych. W walce propagandowej przed ogólnonarodowym referendum w sprawie przystąpienia Polski do UE stały się one jednym z narzędzi pozyskiwania opinii publicznej, głównie przez przeciwników integracji Polski z Unią Europejską. Analiza kawałów, w której posłużono się teorią skryptów Victora Raskina, ukazała podziały i konflikty interesów obecne w polskim życiu publicznym, postrzegane przez przeciwników integracji europejskiej jako realne zagrożenia: programowa ateizacja życia, relatywizm moralny, biurokracja, propaganda, upadek gospodarki i w efekcie utrata niepodległości. Nadrzędną dla wszystkich kawałów antyunijnych jest opozycja skryptów: normy polskie – normy europejskie, w której to parze opozycyjnej normy polskie są ukształtowanymi przez wielowiekową tradycję, sprawdzonymi i zweryfikowanymi przez pokolenia normami społecznymi, normy unijne zaś są sztucznym wytworem biurokracji, nie zostały poddane próbie czasu, są czymś obcym, niszczącym, co próbuje się siłą narzucić Polakom.
EN
The article aims to investigate the relationship between Poland and the EU in jokes as a homogeneous body of text, political jokes being firmly entrenched in the Polish tradition. The corpus for analysis consists of jokes about the EU found on the Internet. Before the nationwide referendum on Poland's accession to the EU, jokes functioned as one of the means of shaping public opinion, mainly used by the opponents of the accession. An analysis of the jokes, based on Victor Ruskin's script theory, showed divisions and conflicts of interests in Polish public life, perceived by the opponents of Poland's integration with the EU as real threats: programmed atheism, moral relativism, bureaucracy, propaganda, economic decline and eventually loss of independence. Superior to all anti-union jokes is the opposition of scripts POLISH NORMS - EUROPEAN NORMS, the former being social time-honoured norms, traditional, firm and verified through the experience of many generations of Poles, whereas the latter - a bureaucratic artifact, something alien, not subjected so far to the test of time, something forcefully imposed on the Polish society.
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Content available remote Veřejné mínění o problematice českých dějin
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EN
The article of a mostly empirical character is drawn from archive data, from the sources of the Centre for Public Opinion Research, and from the first phase of the undertaking of a project of the Grant Agency of the Czech Republic entitled 'The Sociological Research of the Historical Consciousness of Inhabitants of the Czech Republic'. The theoretical part of the text is based on the concept of collective memory, especially on the idea of the selectivity and changeability of contents saved in the memory. This article also presents quantitative data concerning the perspective held by public opinion on Czech history, and qualitative perspectives on historical consciousness attained through the use of focus groups.
EN
Since 1968, when the Prague Institute for Public Opinion Research under the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences made its first research on the perception of history in the whole Czechoslovakia, in Slovakia, there have been a large number of similar researches on a representative sample of Slovak population. Very diverse results require careful interpretation of research results, mainly for two reasons. Firstly, the methodology of questioning is apparently important. When using open questions, respondents tend to choose a period of time, which is closer to them, more or less related to their personal experience. When using closed questions, that contain a set of stimuli selected from various historical events or periods, a too large variedness of such lists turned out to be a fundamental problem of interpretation, because it decreases the possibility of precise comparison. Secondly, problems with the interpretation of results from several researches are due to different wording of questions, because they measure the same phenomenon only seemingly. A more detailed look on methodology indicates that seemingly comparable methods are in fact asking different questions. Despite different difficulties with the research of changes in opinion on history, a strong and continuing positive judgment of some historic events has turned out.
EN
The death penalty in the United States of America in the 21st century puzzles (or even outrages) many. Since my intention is not to evaluate the moral aspects of capital punishment, I will concentrate on the puzzlement more than the outrage caused by the phenomenon. When a champion of democracy executes its citizens in the 21st century, it raises questions, and the internal contradictions of the American capital punishment complicate the matter even further. In order to decipher the American phenomenon of state killing, we have to understand the history of capital punishment on American soil along with the mechanics of American political system, as well as American culture and mindset. I will argue there are particular American political institutions, values and social trends that allow for the continued practice of the death penalty in the United States.
EN
In several EU countries international development co-operation is subject of public discourse. For a number of reasons Hungarian society is characterised by a low level of public awareness concerning international development issues, which negatively affects its support. Although Hungary belonged to the aid recipient countries only for a few years after the change of the political system, the feeling of neediness remains in Hungarian society. The paper presents the results of an empirical study based on a series of semi-structured interviews with members of an elite group. Research results indicate that it is not only the broader public, but also the elite which have only little understanding of the country's role in international development co-operation. Another finding is that while decision makers elaborate development co-operation policies - as part of foreign affairs - on the basis of interests, citizens consider development primarily as a moral issue. The paper concludes that without public support, development assistance is often among the first budget items to be cut in times of recession. On the other hand, greater public awareness and understanding of development issues could keep them on the domestic political agenda and protect the country's commitments.
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Content available DYSKURS POLITYCZNY WOKÓŁ IMIGRACJI W POLSCE
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EN
Although Poland is not yet a country where immigration plays a major role, the opening of Polish borders in 1989 opened up the country to immigrants. In the 20 years after Poland's political transformation, the number of immigrants, even if still insignificant by other EU countries' standards, has grown steadily, so that in 1998 Łodziński wrote "the foreigner-migrant ceased to be the marginal and exotic person which he used to be. Hę has become so prominent and permanent a phenomenon that determination of his legal status and legal arrangements governing his situation in the various fields of social life has become an important issue" (Łodziński 1998). Yet, the number of immigrants, after all, continues to be at such a low level that Iglicka's declaration of 2003 stating that "Poland does not have a comprehensive migration policy, but mere foundations thereof. Neither is there is a doctrine of migration in the political consciousness which could constitute the foundation of coherent migration policies" (Iglicka 2003) is as valid as ever. Based on analysis of the government's ad hoc actions, press releases, experts' statements and data from public opinion polis, certain trends can be noted that may be used as an indicator of the direction which, if not the political discourse itself, then definitely the public discourse around the issue of immigration, is taking. If, as Zapata-Barrero maintains, we assume that the "discourse provides a reference framework and the main source of arguments for both the legitimacy of policies and for the legitimacy of public perceptions/ actions" (Zapata-Barrero, 2009: 50) and, as the author points out, "the design of discourse as a voluntary and intentional act, is aimed at achieving a specific effect, is a political act and transforms itself into a certain policy" (Zapata-Barrero, 2009: 46), then the discourse on immigration becomes crucial because it defines the process of government's handling of multiculturalism, which democracies must, sooner or later, face. This paper presents the result of analysis of public opinion polis and the political discourse on immigration in Poland and simultaneously attempts to explain the direction it takes assessing its possible consequences.
EN
Stanisław Brzozowski sent his Mocarz to the Henryk Sienkiewicz drama contest, organised on the occasion of the opening in 1901 of the Teatr Wielki [The Grand Theater] in Lodz. His drama, awarded third prize, deals with the most difficult events in his life: the embezzlement of monetary contributions collected by the student members of Bratniak, reprehensible testimonies given in 1898 in the Warsaw Citadel, and accusations of collaboration and intelligence with the Tsarist Okhrana. A hundred years after the writer's death, "the Brzozowski case" remains a sensitive question in the history of literature. I do not intend to defuse this taboo, stating at my own risk Brzozowski's guilt or innocence. I attempt, instead, to reveal the mechanisms of stigmatization current in the tense political situation of the Kingdom of Poland at the break of centuries, and to understand and interpret the Mocarz as an attempt at actively resisting social exclusion that deprives one of one's means of life
EN
Although the Czech Republic has experienced an unprecedented rise of anti-establishment political parties in recent decades, a systematic examination of anti-establishment attitudes among the public is still missing from the scholarly literature. This paper tests different explanation for anti-establishment attitudes among the voting population. It is working with the concepts of anti-political establishment parties, populism, and taking into account the specific national context. Using original data from the 2017 Czech National Election Study (N = 919), we show that anti-establishment attitudes among the Czech public stem from feelings of low political efficacy, the perceived salience of corruption, and anti-immigration attitudes. These results demonstrate that researchers need to consider contextual specifics, including the nature of diverse anti-establishment actors, when searching for the causes of anti-establishment attitudes in a particular country or region.
EN
The European criticism of the Americanization of social psychology holds it (mainly against Floyd Allport) that it was a mistake to give up the tradition of collective psychology (Völkerpsychologie, national characterology, collective representations, mass psychology) in the first third of the 20th century, and - in the spirit of individualism - to concentrate on the individual and the individual's social interactions in research. Reviewing the history of the discipline, however, it can be seen that research has never shifted to either extreme permanently, variable and alternating attention has always been paid to the individual and to society as a whole. Actually, 'methodological individualism' did not prevent, in fact, it contributed to the production of well founded social psychological findings both in the area of cognitive processes in society and in the field of emotional dynamics of society, as illustrated by the 7 -7 main topics of the present study. According to the prognosis of the author, after a period of individual processes of social information, the study of societal groups and their affective relationships will come to the fore in social psychological research.
EN
The study deals with issues of agenda setting and influence of media operating at the local level to serve the public agenda in both theoretical and empirical perspective. The focus is on media, political and public agenda as well as the development of ideas about them. The main goal of the authors was to test hypotheses regarding the ability of media in agenda setting and highlighting certain attributes that influence their interpretation in terms of the public, as well as whether these effects manifest themselves at the local level. As an example, the authors studied the city of Žiar nad Hronom, Slovak Republic, which is also the publisher of the weekly Mestské noviny. They were interested in the function of the local media, especially the periodical, in the process of agenda setting, and their ability to influence public opinion in specific areas. These referred mainly to current and attractive themes form the viewpoint of the public and politicians. Locally, regional media is an essential tool for political communication and public opinion formation in a geographically defined area, and this markedly affects the character of the public agenda in the area in which they operate. Therefore, the authors were more interested in the impacts on the functioning of the media and media production at the local level.
EN
The paper focuses on the perception of the current state of society by the citizens of Slovakia and its reflection in their expectations of the development of Slovak society in the next decade. The paper builds on the outcomes of the research conducted by the Institute of Political Sciences SAS in Bratislava in September 2005 whose aim was to map how the future of Slovakia is viewed by its citizens and the implications they have drawn for their own lives.
EN
Eurobarometer surveys provide the European Commission with information on public attitude and reaction on EU activities. They are a tool of great importance for the EU information policy. The case study described in this article focuses on information problems related to the European Parliament elections. The article focuses on 5 topics: awareness of the European Parliament and European elections, turnout, profiles of voters and non-voters and evaluation of information campaigns. Recommendations of Eurobarometer researchers point out weak points of past campaigns and suggest future improvements although data analysis leads to conclusions that information activities aiming at encouraging voters to attend elections are a kind of “mission: impossible”. Rather by any failure in information activities, this is caused by the power and importance of the European Parliament in EU institutional structure.
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