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EN
The aim of the authoress was to show that the Polish reception of John F. Kennedy's presidency broke in a way with the stereotype of the American leader as an imperialist and political brawler. Kennedy's election to the American presidency revived great expectations in the whole world, including the Soviet bloc. In opinion of Polish press Kennedy represented the new generation of young political leaders not involved in old arguments, and devoid of the harmful cold war prejudices. Therefore it was believed that his presidency may lead up to a radical improvement in U.S.-Soviet relations. However this positive image was changed in consequence of the Bay of Pigs invasion and the Cuban Missile Crisis. These events cast doubts on Kennedy's peaceful approach to international affairs. The press pointed out that the peaceful rhetoric of the new administration was not compatible with the actions initiated by the White House in order to bring about the world crisis. This inconsistency in the U.S. foreign policy was perceived as a result of the pressure exerted on Kennedy by the Cold Warriors faction dominating in Washington. Young, inexperienced and not having strong political base in Congress president was thought to be unable to oppose it. Polish journalists indicated that president Kennedy fulfilled his function in particular international situation, when the prestige and primacy of the United States had visibly fallen. His policy, as it was seen by press, was for that reason determined by aspiration to preserve the picture of America as a world leader and the necessity to meet the challenge from the Soviet Union.
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Content available remote Proměny maďarské zahraniční politiky (1943–1949)
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In the years 1943-1949, Hungary's foreign policy showed remarkable peripetia. No matter how different the particular concepts were, there was one common feature - they all failed. Unsuccessful proved Hungary's attempts of withdrawing from the war and calling a truce in the autumn of 1944. And quite unrealistic was the hope of support from the Western Allies. Hungary failed to persuade the Powers to support its peace plans and soften the 1946 Peace Treaty provisions, and had to pay for its defeat with all consequences. The foreign political concept of a 'bridge' between West and East proved quite illusory and starting from summer 1947 Hungary, as well as other Central and East European countries, was forced to adapt its foreign policy fully to the interests of the Soviet Union. From 1949 on, Hungary's own foreign policy ceased to exist.
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Content available remote O brakach i niedostatkach w polityce zagranicznej UE
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The European Union strives to be a global actor in international relations. However, we should note the numerous structural, geopolitical and systemic weaknesses and challenges in this regard. When describing the foreign and security policy of the EU, we can speak of distinct shortcomings and defi ciencies. At present, the role of the EU in the field of military policy is limited. It has been effective neither in conducting the Common Foreign and Security Policy nor the Common Security and Defence Policy, which could have demonstrated its signifi cant impact on the development of international relations on the global scale. The events in Ukraine and the attitude of the ‘EU-28’ towards Russia, and earlier the Arab Spring, have confi rmed this conclusively. Despite numerous declarations and documents issued by the EU, we should not expect any landmark decisions regarding the formulation of the EU’s aims and tasks in the fi eld of foreign and security policy. For almost two decades, the European Union has been unable to fulfi l the resolutions concerning greater community involvement in solving the problems of international security. It seems that there are no grounds to assume that the fundamental weaknesses of the EU’s foreign and security policy will be overcome in the near future. In this article, the author shall analyse and present them in detail, as well as discuss the institutional, legal and treaty changes aimed at improving the effectiveness and operational functionality of the EU’s foreign policy and hastening the development of comon military capabilities.
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Content available remote European Union's External Neighbourhood Policy
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The process of unification of the twenty-five EU countries presents many internal difficulties that stem, in the first place, from large spans between the levels of economic advancement of the individual member countries, but also from certain cultural and civilization differences, as well as from some relics of historical antagonisms. However, the internal integration is not tantamount to a policy of isolation of the integrated group from closer contacts with its external surroundings. The European Union is more and more decisively tending towards constructive rapprochement with its eastern and southern (Mediterranean) neighbours, in the belief that an extensive economic and cultural cooperation will promote political stabilization and general development and help the Union's neighbours with attaining higher stages of advancement. At the same time, the Union itself will gain greater security and additional economic advantage. Apart from its relations with neighbours, the Union continues to attach importance to tightening the relations with a number of other countries that, though spatially more remote, are in many respects closely connected with the Union. This in particular regards the 70 associated African, Caribbean, Pacific and Mercosur Group countries.
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(Title in Polish - 'Polska polityka zagraniczna wobec rozbieznosci w stosunkach transatlantyckich na tle konfliktów w bylej Jugosławii'). The conflicts in the former Yugoslavia provided a backdrop to numerous controversies between the Americans and their European allies. When, in the first half of the 1990s, divergences emerged, i.a. regarding the recognition of the independence of the former Yugoslavian republics and disparate concepts as to how the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina might be headed off, Polish diplomacy avoided becoming involved in the solving of these problems. However, when a position had to be taken, it supported, as a rule, the policy of the EU member countries (e.g., regarding the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia). In the twilight of the 20th century, it was the conflict in Kosovo which became a source of divergent opinions in the trans-Atlantic community. A clear difference of standpoint emerged between the US and some of the European allies, in particular with a view to the legitimacy of NATO's operations in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the carrying out of air raids and the possible involvement of the land forces in military operations. Changing its hitherto strategy, the Polish diplomacy first strongly supported the US actions, and, second, actively participated in the international efforts aimed at solving the Kosovo conflict. The Polish government was aware of the emerging divergences in trans-Atlantic relations. Their improvement was highly desirable, but it was not the focal point of attention. Being aware of the limited potential of improvement and of the geo-political situation, efforts were aimed mostly at ensuring the country's long-term security by joining NATO and the EU and it was these objectives which were accorded priority in the Republic of Poland's foreign policy. When facing those divergences in the trans-Atlantic relations which had as their backdrop the conflict in the former Yugoslavia, the strategy of Polish diplomacy was also subordinated to these objectives.
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The detente in relations with Germany which started in 1934 was a great achievement of Poland's foreign policy. In a situation when Paris and London adopted a conciliatory attitude toward Berlin, concern for a favorable atmosphere in Warsaw-Berlin relations appeared to be from the Polish perspective a raison d'état. Also a temporary cooperation with the Reich (e.g. when both countries opposed the Eastern Pact project) could be in the interest of Poland. However, during the Sudeten crisis of 1938 this cooperation took a dangerous turn for Poland and there was a threat of her being isolated by Western powers, a risk that had been overlooked by the Polish authorities. At the time of friendlier relations with Poland, Germany formulated offers of a closer cooperation and alliance aimed against the Soviet Union. Those propositions included also a weakening of Poland's alliance with France and were accompanied by demands for consent to incorporate Gdansk into Germany and to create an exterritorial road connection across Polish Pomerania. At this point there could be no doubt that the German offer would lead to a degradation of Poland to the status of a satellite state. In this situation, Poland's refusal and efforts to improve the strained ties with Western powers (which resulted in the establishment of an alliance with Britain and a revitalization of that with France) had all the characteristics of a rational decision.
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In 2005 all major Polish political formations took part in a heated discussion on the crisis afflicting Polish-Belarusian relations. Te conflict was evoked by the annulment of the 6th Convention of the Union of Poles in Belarus by the Belarusian Ministry of Justice, during which Angelika Borys was appointed President of this organization. Polish government did not accept the Belarusian authorities’ decision. Te purpose of the article is to perform an analysis of the concept of foreign policy towards Belarus presented in 2005 by the most important formations on the then political scene: Democratic Lef Alliance (SLD), Civic Platform (PO), Law and Justice (PiS), Polish Peasant Party (PSL), Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland and the League of Polish Families (LPR). Chronological frames of the article are designated by: March election of the Union’s President (12-13 May) and repeated 6th Convention of Delegates (27 August). In subsequent months, the issue of Belarus ended up in the background of the political parties’ interest. It results from the presented opinions that Polish political scene got divided into two parts. PO, PiS and SLD claimed that the Belarusian side is to be blamed exclusively for the crisis. Te frst two formations concluded based on the above that the only way to maintain appropriate contacts with the eastern neighbor is to lead to a change of the present authorities and introduction of full democracy in this country. SLD was rather for the reference to legal resolutions concluded between Poland and Belarus. A different opinion was represented by peasant parties’ politicians: PSL and Self-Defence. Tey believed that there was a personal conflict within the Union of Poles in Belarus, which cannot be an element of inter-state relations. Te best thing the Republic of Poland could do In this case was to disregard this conflict and focus on building good relations with Belarus, particularly in the field of economy. LPR’s position, on the other hand, evolved from the interpretation of the crisis around the Union of Poles in Belarus as a personal dispute to bringing forward a postulate to establish a democratic Belarusian government.
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This study describes the activities of the Investigative Committee of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which after the liberation of Czechoslovakia in 1945 dealt with the issue of the conduct of Czechoslovak citizen-diplomats after the occupation of Bohemia and Moravia in March 1939, and the activities of Czechoslovak diplomats during the occupation. It had to assess the possibility of their return to an active Czechoslovak diplomatic service, or, in the cases of their wrong-doing, hand them over to the judicial system to face punishment.
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The author brings up an interesting issue which in the recent years has aroused intense interest of historians. Majorov tries to prove that military expedition of Prince Roman the Great in 1205 (that ended up with his death in the battle of Zawichost) was only an episode it the fight between Staufs and Welfs and was directed against Saxony. Majorov states that more important source than Jan Dlugosz Chronicle is the oeuvre of Alberic of Trois-Fontaines. The crucial thing, which is presented by the author, is the great scale of foreign policy of Prince Roman the Great. Polish historians see the conduct and attitudes of prince from the angle of Kadlubek's chronicle and consequently perceive him as a ruler dependent on both: Kazimierz Sprawiedliwy and Leszek Bialy. Yet he was a prominent political figure. It should be emphasized that the author used various primary sources and multilingual literature (i.e. Russian, German, Ukrainian, Polish).
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Content available remote Diktatura krále Alexandra a československá diplomacie (1929–1931)
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Based on Czech diplomatic materials, the study explains the attitude of Czechoslovak governmental circles towards King Alexander's dictatorship. It was formed in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes from January 6, 1929 until the autumn of 1931, when the regime was incorporated into a formal constitutional framework octroyed by the sovereign. The essay explains dilemmas, to which the Czechoslovak foreign policy was subjected. On the one hand, it was an effort to sustain a key ally for Czechoslovakia; on the other hand, it was an effort not to bog into domestic political conflicts in the South Slav state. The initial optimism regarding the potentialities of the authoritarian regime in consolidating the country (impersonated by the envoy Jan Seba and his superior Edvard Benes) was replaced by an increasing disillusion over intellectual sterility and lack of political imagination of the royal regime at resolving existential problems of the Yugoslavian state. The warning prognoses about Yugoslavia's future came to light. Behind the persisting façade of the Czechoslovak-Yugoslavian alliance, this time produced the first symptoms of mutual estrangement and incipient disintegration of the alliance.
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At the end of 1938, an international crisis, which is even now eclipsed by political echoes of Nazi 'Anschluss', occurred in North-East Europe. The Polish governmental circles took advantage of the fact that European attention was focused on Central European matters and forced the Lithuanian government to restore diplomatic relations. From 1920, there were no official relations between Warsaw and Kaunas, because the Lithuanian government had refused to recognize annexation of the Vilnius region by the Rzeczypospolita. As a result of killing a Polish border guard, the Warsaw government demanded in an ultimatum that the Kaunas government should recognise a Polish diplomat (and send a diplomat to Poland), thus effectively acknowledge the status quo. The Lithuanian anti-Polish nationalistic regime hesitated, fathoming the great powers' and the Baltic Treaty allies' reaction to an eventual Polish scheme. Most parties recommended accepting the Polish requirements. The Czech Foreign Minister gave the Lithuanian ambassador the same advice. The post-war research of captured German documents revealed that Hitler intended to use a potential Polish-Lithuanian military clash for the annexation of Klajpeda (Memel), i.e. a step, which Germany took one year later, in March 1939.
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The election of George Bush as a successor of Ronald Reagan meant that United States would experience another four years of “Reganism” (Regan Policy) but without Reagan himself. During the election campaign Bush presented himself as kinder and gentler politician and a better – softer “version” of his predecessor. No big changes in world politics seemed to be happening. But when four years later George Bush stood down his office and devolved it to his successor Bill Clinton, the world seemed to be completely different. The Soviet Union disappeared from the map in 1990, two German states reunified and in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and other so far communist countries democratic governments were elected. In 1991 United States of America established an international coalition, among others consisted of the Soviet Union – hitherto existing enemy. This international coalition suppressed an Iraq invasion on Kuweit. At the same time in the Republic of South Africa the apartheid collapsed. Somewhere, among these events George Bush was still presented – sometimes as a participant, sometimes as a main actor, and sometimes as an observer. He got to be known as an obdurate apostle of nations independency, tough diplomat, demanding negotiator, but also as calm and well -balanced statesman. Achievements of that time on the international stage created his image as a confident and reliable expert for foreign affairs. The purpose of this article is to analyze international policy of the United States between 1989 and 1993 under George Bush administration.
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Content available remote Refleksje nad litewska polityka zagraniczna
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The article deals with the fundamentals of Lithuanian foreign policy. It is an attempt to evaluate its foundations, principles, advantages and shortcomings. Author’s point of departure is a non -official paper “Lithuania’s Foreign Policy Concept” prepared by the Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1994. Strategic goals of the Lithuanian foreign policy laid down in that document were the basis of the Lithuanian foreign policy making until the country joined the EU and NATO in 2004. Having supposedly attained those goals Lithuania adopted and proceeded to implement hastily the so -called “new Lithuanian foreign policy” conducted in 2004 -2009. Yet the author has serious doubts that the strategic goals of the Lithuanian foreign policy as defined in 1994 were fully achieved in 2004. The goals were three: (1) NATO, (2) EU, (3) good relations with neighbours. Yet Lithuania still is not a full -fledged member of either the EU or NATO. It is a mere newcomer. And its relations with Russia in 2004 -2009 got even worse than they were in the late nineties.
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Content available remote FOREIGN POLICY CONDITIONALITY OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC
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On January 1, 1993, as a result of the breakup of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republics, a new state was created on the political map of Europe: the Slovak Republic. The article deals with the foreign policy determinants of this state at the threshold of its establishment. An analysis is made of those determinants that had a key impact on the shape of foreign policy: the geographical environment, historical factors, the population factor, foreign services and diplomacy, and external conditions. Of greatest importance were historical factors, especially in the context of relations with Hungary, the deficit in foreign services and diplomatic personnel, which was of great significance in the context of creating foreign policy from scratch, and the multinational nature of the country. The article uses a comparative method and factor analysis.
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Content available remote USA IN THE POLITICS OF GERMANY
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German-American relations have evolved significantly over the last several years. This was due, among others, to the new conditions of the foreign policy of the unified Germany and the changing position of the USA on the international stage. It must be admitted, however, that during the rule of the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition a good atmosphere in mutual relations was maintained and the USA were one of the major points of reference for the policy of Bonn. Yet even then certain controversies could not be avoided, but this did not affect a change of America's role in the policy of the FRG. When power passed on to the SPD/Green Party coalition in 1998 at first there were no signs of any forthcoming deterioration of harmonious relations with the USA. The situation changed under the influence of developments that followed September 11, which included the proclamation of the 'Bush doctrine' and intervention in Iraq. At a crucial moment the German-American relations were in a state of 'poisoning'. The situation improved only after a shift in the German political configuration in 2005. Then it was possible to return to a favorable atmosphere in mutual relations, but on different conditions, whereby Berlin became a very important and valuable partner for the USA.
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Presented study deals with parliamentary diplomacy within the Slovak Republic. First part of study defines the task of the National Council of the Slovak Republic and its country’s foreign policy representatives. Further the study explains the term of parliamentary diplomacy, its structural system and also its pros and cons. Practical part of the study is focused on parliamentary diplomacy during the first independent year of the Slovak Republic. Throughout the qualitative analysis of official archive documents the study summarizes, categorizes and analyses the most important foreign policy activities of the Parliament’s representatives within the first year of independence. That year was significant as the country entered international area. The National Council of the Slovak Republic played a key role in this process.
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The paper looks at the changes of the position of an actor in the international system and their application on the historical evolution of the Czech state. The methodology of the authors from the English school B. Buzan and R. Little has been used in order to determine particular levels of the analysis of the international system: a system, a subsystem, a unit, and a subunit. The author operates with that terminology in a way where he combines various situations where the actor of the international relations can end up in. Consequently, the author simulates the particular positions where the Czech state has been found from its beginning till today: system-unit (Czech state from its beginning to 1490, Czechoslovakia 1918-1938, 1945/48-1989, 1989-1992, Czech Republic 1993-2004), system-subunit (Czech state 1490 – half 17th Century), subsystem – unit (Czech state half 17th Century - half 18th Century), subsystem - subunit (Czech state half 18th Century – 1918), specific pozition (Nazi Protectorat 1939-1945, Communist Czechoslovakia 1948-1989), new Situation (after 2004).
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This paper analyses Georgian national identity from the position of liberal and constructivist approaches to international relations theory. Based on this theoretical framework, the aim of this text is to contribute to our understanding of how the European vector of Georgian national identity is constructed and how it impacts upon the pro-Western discourse of Georgian foreign policy. The research was conducted through an analysis of the academic literature supplemented by public opinion surveys in Georgia and the interviews with Georgian academics and members of civil society, carried out in June and July 2015.
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In May 1918, the Habsburg Empire completely fell under the influence of Imperial Germany, thus severing all chances for separated peace with the Entente powers, which might have facilitated survival of the Danube state system. The Viennese political circles decided to comply with the German nationalists' demands to ensure German supremacy over Cislaitania. Similarly, hopes of democratic reforms in Translaitania fell down. This is why Slav nations turned away from staying within the Habsburg Empire and in collaboration with the Entente powers strove to create their own states. The Cislaitanian Germans got ready for the declaration of German Austria or even affiliation with Germany, while the Hungarian representatives fought hard against any democratic reforms. As the result of intensifying social and national disputes and the lost war, the Habsburg Empire started to disintegrate of its own accord, breaking into individual succession states in October and November 1918 (i.e. Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Poland, Austria and Hungary). In addition, Italy acquired Trieste and Trident and Romania acquired Bukovina and Transylvania from the former Habsburg territory. In the ensuing developments, the new European arrangement became subjected to heavy sufferings during the world powers' struggles.
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Content available remote Vztah Maďarska a Sovětského svazu v 80. letech 20. století
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Much like in the previous centuries, in the 1980s the destiny of Central and East Europe was determined by great-power relationships and the reality of world politics. With regard to the Hungarian historical development and claiming Hungarian national interests, decisions taken by international policies were perceived as negative from the late 16th century until 1989. Defeat of the Hungarian revolution in 1956 serves as a final clear example. The 80s signified a great turn for the Hungarians.
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