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1
Content available remote Národ, národní identita a národní hrdost v Evropě
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This study provides an analysis of national identity in eleven European countries. In the study, national identity is understood as a construct consisting of several elements, four of which are analysed by the authoresses - territorial identity, the image of the nation, national pride, and love for the nation. With regard to the image of the nation, the authoresses focus on the elements that define the cultural nation (ethno-nation) and the political nation (state-nation). With regard to territorial identity they measure localism, regionalism, patriotism, and cosmopolitism (or Europeanism). They also measure national pride in relation to culture and the performance of a state. Finally, the authoresses identify two types of love for the nation - nationalism (or chauvinism) and patriotism.
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The article investigates the contemporary Greek Catholic Church in the Czech Republic. The Greek Catholic communities both in the Czech Republic and in Slovakia commonly refer to the cyrilomethodian tradition, the origins of which are best viewed from their genesis in the act of Uzhhorod Union in 1646. The Greek Catholic Church in the Czech territory did not take on an institutionalized form, however, until the interwar period when many Slovaks and Ruthenians (Ukrainians) from the Subcarpathian Rus, now known as Carpathian Ruthenia, as well as Ukrainians from Galicia and Russians, started to settle in Prague and other main urban centers. The Greek Catholic Church in the Czech and Slovak territories not only satisfied the religious needs of its worshippers, it also performed an important role in shaping and strengthening cultural and national identity of its members, especially those of Ruthenian nationality. The negative consequence of this fact was both using the Church to manipulate the nation-building processes and its liquidation after WWII in the aftermath of the struggle against all manifestations of Ruthenism / Ruthenian national identity. On the other hand, the Church proved it was able to preserve its multicultural character. The authors advance a thesis that acknowledges that the Greek Catholic Church in the Czech Republic has a multicultural character, that is also Ruthenian, Slovakian, Czech and Ukrainian, as is reflected in the second part of the title of the article.
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Content available remote YOUNG PEOPLE IN BRATISLAVA AND PRAGUE: NATIONAL AND SUPRA-NATIONAL IDENTITIES
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The split of Czechoslovakia is a challenge for politicians and sociologists even after a decade. An answer is sought to the question of whether the actions of the political elite were justified in the light of the commencement of European integration and the complicated split of the big federations (Yugoslavia and Soviet Union) with the consequences for peace and European stability. An answer is sought to the question of whether the Slovak or Czech public would support or refuse their decision if they had been given a referendum on the matter. In 2003, Slovakia, along with the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary, Slovenia, Estonia and Malta, successfully concluded pre-accession negotiations for EU membership (guarantee of implementing the standards of democratic governance), which officially begins on May 1st 2004. Being more enthusiastic for the newly independent Slovak Republic does not necessarily translate itself into lesser enthusiasm about Europe and European Union. However, young people from the Bratislava consider being future EU citizens as more important than young people from the Prague The young citizens of Bratislava have much greater expectations in Slovakia's EU membership at the level of 'being' in Europe than 'having' something from Europe. Slovakia will gain by EU membership a certificate of democratic country and 'the Slovak chair at the European table'
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The article was written on the basis of the statements made by Ukrainian students of Polish origin recorded between 2001 and 2002. The speakers supported an opinion that was incomprehensible to most of the native speakers of Polish: one neither needs to know the mother tongue of a given nation nor speak it on a regular basis to feel a rightful member of the nation (the knowledge of Polish is not necessary to feel a Pole and, correspondingly, one does not need to speak Ukrainian to feel a Ukrainian). Therefore, contrary to what is generally believed, the language is not an indispensable component of national identity. Such a conclusion can be drawn on the basis of statements concerning the attitude towards Ukrainian in case of students declaring Ukrainian nationality and the attitude towards Polish in case of students declaring Polish nationality. The speakers' opinions on this subject vary depending on where they live in Ukraine. Regardless of that, the language may constitute a welding element for a multinational community. Such is the case with Russian among the Poles from the East studying in Poland though some of the students reject Russian as the national/official language in the country of their origin.
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The national identity of Slavic people is founded on their language. Within over a thousand years the Slavs have abandoned their ancient religion, changed their customs, established and lost sovereign states. It is only in language and, connected with it, sign systems that Slavic scholars may see the continuation of Slavic identity from pre-Slavic times to these days. Changes within language - natural to the process of language evolution - allow us to talk about the identity of Slavic people that has lasted since the tenth century until today.
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The authoress discusses the presence of death in the social public sphere in the context of Polish national identity. She describes the area of popular collective imagination that is part of a broader category: religiousness arising from folk culture. In the Polish public sphere the traditions of death are represented by two trends: the myths of the Passion and Martyrdom. The internal ties of the Polish tribe are sustained by the cult of ancestors and the practice of mourning, the symbol of which is Our Lady of Dolours from the pictures in Czestochowa and Lichen. As a consequence of the dolorous aspect of Polish fundamental tribal emotions people spontaneously organize themselves during religious and national festivals which commemorate the events that entailed a heavy toll of human life. The arche of the Polish death is terror, mourning and redemption by a sacrifice of blood.
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In the 19th and in first half of the 20th centuries the area that would come to be known as Subcarpathian Rus was one of the most backward regions of Europe. Although Ruthenians made up the majority of the population, Hungarians had dominated there for a very long time. The first signs of the Ruthenians' national awakening appeared in the mid-19th century (1848/49). Some showed a Russophile orientation based on the belief that Ruthenians formed a separate part of the Russian nation. Greek Catholic priests were prominent amongst Ruthenian activists. In the second half of the 19th century there was a phase of intensive 'Magyarization' throughout the Hungarian lands. Local groups of intellectuals loyal to Budapest were called 'Magyarons'. However, authorities also tolerated new local options: among them a Ukrainian orientation which suggested that Ruthenians were a separate nation (neither Russians nor Ukrainians). The Hungarian elite considered their main enemy to be the Russophiles. After WWI Subcarpathian Rus was incorporated into the Czechoslovak Republic. The new government feared Hungarian irredentism and harassed this ethnic group with administrative methods. This left no-Hungarian ethnic options open to Ruthenians. Prague was not consistent in this matter: it preferred the Ukrainian orientation, next the Russophiles, and finally the 'Ruthenians' ('Rusnacs'). The rivalry between the Ukrainians and the Russophiles for the 'rule of souls' was bitter. They particularly argued about the language to be used at schools. Religious conflict between the Orthodox and Greek Catholic was also common. The Czech authorities failed to introduce autonomy to the region in 1919. Therefore, the government was attacked both by the Russophile and Ukrainian separatists. In 1938, after the Munich Conference, the weakened Czechoslovak Republic granted Sub- Carpathia autonomy. The local government soon became dominated by the Ukrainians. This process ended with the Hungarian occupation in March 1939. Despite the dilatory sometimes cynical and centralistic politics of Prague in 1919-1938, the process of national identification subsequently accelerated with the approval of the Third Reich.
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Content available remote CULTURAL AND NATIONAL IDENTITY OF THE POLES IN LATVIA
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The problem of the national identification appears particularly clearly in the border areas. The national identity in the areas like that should be best considered by analysing behaviour of individuals. Functioning of the culture and national identity could therefore be studied following the examples and individual experiences of the society members.This article presents the attempt of an analytical study of the national identity of a group of Poles inhabiting the Latvian village of Illukszta. The starting point of the analysis was the Kloskowska's a hypothesis on complex (dual) national identification and on perception of the national culture. The authoress of that theory presents four types of the national identification: integral, twin, insecure and cosmopolitan. The selected sample comprised individuals from the intelligentsia group (mostly teachers), 40 and more years old. The group could be further divided into four subgroups: (1) - those who considered themselves as Poles and did not want to learn the Latvian language; (2) - Poles who learnt the Latvian and the culture of the country; (3) - Poles who lost their identity to gain the Latvian identity and (4) - the Russified Poles.The analysis has proved that Kloskowska's hypothesis might be useful when researching and studying the cultural and national identity in the multi-national and multi-cultural environments. The article attempts to set a picture of some phenomena present in the borderline areas - the self-proclaimed identification of an individual when confronting the foreign culture and the language. That particular issue requires additional study in depth, as the superficial consideration of the problem may lead to the false conclusions.
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Content available remote A RESTORED GERMAN IDENTITY (Odrodzona tozsamosc niemiecka)
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Twenty years have passed since the unification of Germany in 1990, during which time the inhabitants of this country have regained self-confidence as a nation and have started to create their national identity. The results of sociological research and commonness of national symbolism indicate a revival of national self-identification of the German nation. Political elites, in which a generation change has taken place, have assessed the social needs properly and now give the society a new ideological offer. However, the German raison d'état formulated by them is not always favorably received by the public, as in the case of declaration of particular responsibility for the stabilization activities in the world, a responsibility which rests with Germany affected by the Nazi past.
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The article is concerned with literary representations of everyday life in the novella by the Slovak author Mikuláš Štefan Ferienčík (1825 – 1881) Bratia ([Brothers] 1863). The novella critically addresses Romantic idealism which was at that time – in the 1860s – already perceived as outdated and lacking function and presents the reader with a new type of nationally conscious individual: a family-oriented middle class man, successful in his career and respected by the society. The protagonist of the novella does not understand his national identity as an abstract spiritual value, but makes it a part of everyday situations (during meals, events, in shaping family relationships). By doing so, he also helps build national awareness in other characters in the novella. M. Š. Ferienčík not only offers his readers a practical example of how to combine personal happiness with the imperative of building the national society, but also a new solution to the key problem of Slovak Romanticism – “the embracement of the spirit and matter”. The article draws on the category of everyday life as conceptualised by the American literary scholar Rita Felski. In her view, everyday life is a sphere of human activities characterised by the domestic space, cyclical time and the modality of habit.
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The study focuses on the Home Cookery Book by Magdalena Dobromila Rettigová that was first published in 1826. The author analyses the book firstly in context of gastronomic trends of the period, secondly as a collective memory factor, thirdly as an expression of an attempt to codify the literary Czech language, fourthly as a model concept for future cookery books and last but not least, the author´s testimony of her life.
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The author shows, that the regional approach allows involving in historiographical analysis interesting achievements of historical schools that for some time were kept in shadow, and synthesize the merits of large-scale theoretical interpretation of the past with necessary proof of the historical reality. It is impossible to disintegrate the politics of the Russian empire to Kazakhstan from its politics in central Asia in general. Historiography of Kazakhstan and peoples of Central Asia (Kazakhs, Uzbeks, Kyrgyzes, Karakalpaks, Tajiks, Turkmens) history studies is so interconnected and interlaid that it is scientifically inconsistent to study them separately. The peripheral location of Kazakhstan within the Russian empire space created certain economic and political contradictions in its development. No doubt, that Kazakhs and their ancestors within very long time could preserve traditional way of life, and relative political independence. They kept their identity among multi-ethnic population of Jochi ulus. Within the framework of the Russian empire Kazakhs partially preserved their political independence until mid XIX century. The fact that Kazakhs regularly rebelled against the Russian empire proves that annexation of Kazakhstan territory was not voluntary, if considerable social stratas and groups of Kazakh community actively fought against the Russian empire. Practically, within that period was stopped the process of Kazakh statehood buildup. As result of the ousting of Kazakhs from their native lands by the Russian migrants, the Kazakhs faced the real threat to transform into minority on their own homeland, that really happened in XX century.
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The history of press in the former Poland’s Livonia is created by Polish periodicals arising in the twentieth century interwar period such as: “The Voice of Poland”, “The Polish Weekly”, “The Bell”, “Our Voice”, “Our Life”. There is little mention of these magazines. Each of them played a major role in shaping the national identity, preserving the language and tradition. “Our Life” along with “The Dwarfs” – the supplement for children – were published from 24th December 1934 to 4th August 1940.
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The purpose of this study is to analyse in detail the manifestation and influence of national identity dimensions of Transylvanian social networks in inter-ethnic perspective. The empirical data came from the research entitled 'The Influence of National Identities of Social Networks between Romanians and Hungarians from Romania' and the data was collected in February 2000. The sample consists of 1756 cases, of which 831 are ethnic Romanian Dases, 925 are ethnic Hungarian, all from Transylvania.It was observed that national attitudes have an important role in forming social relations. The social networks of the Hungarians from Transylvania are organised on an ethnocentric basis, hardly intersecting with the Romanian's social networks and vice-versa. The social groups which are less affected by ethnocentric socialisation, have more inter-ethnic relations than the others, such as less educated people, the Romanian youngsters and the Hungarian older people. The Transylvanians have more inter-ethnic relations in the case of weak ties. We can observe different tendencies between the different youngsters according to ethnicity in the proportion of inter-ethnic social relations.
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The article focuses on factors that had a significant impact on the shaping of the identity of Poles living in the Vilnius region over the past two decades. The newly attained independence of Lithuania has placed them in a radically new political environment and has undoubtedly changed their status and sense of national identity. The article comprises three main sections. The first of these is an analysis of data pertaining to the self-identification of the Vilnius region Poles, drawn from the general census and various sociological studies. The issue of the Pole’s Card (Karta Polaka) and its importance for the inhabitants of the Vilnius region is examined. The second section examines attachment to birthplace and habitual residence, with which is connected the aspect of strong regionalism and the crucial political matter of land reimbursement. The last section deals with political identity. It comprises a short history of polish political parties operating in the region and an analysis of the suffrage activity of Poles in the Vilnius region.
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Content available remote RELIGION AND SLOVAK NATIONAL IDENTITY (Religia a slowacka tozsamosc narodowa)
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The article seeks to answer the question of the role and significance of religion in constructing contemporary Slovak national identity. In his attempted answer, the author describes the relations between religion and the nation, and religion and nationalism in Central-Eastern Europe. He then reflects on the issue of the place of Christianity within the public sphere as an object of political debate in Slovakia after 1989. The answer to the problem is sought by analyzing both the public discourse in Slovakia after 1989 and by referring to the symbolic sphere (the symbolism of currency, national feasts and public places).
EN
Education acts as a very important link between Poland, the country of residence of Poles and the so-called Polish Diaspora. It has often been the only opportunity to highlight the individual Polish character in an ethnically and culturally different world. The title includes four elements which the author attempts to consider - two dynamic (status and conditions) - subject to constant change - and two, seemingly unchanging or changing only in the long term - preserving national and cultural identity. This issue is discussed using the example of some European Union countries, some non-EU countries neighbouring the III Republic of Poland, as well as the United States and Canada. The author points out the relationship between the condition of Polish Diaspora education and political and economic factors in these countries as well as the policy pursued by the III Republic of Poland. There are some regularities in this aspect, depending on the area of residence of Poles. The author also points out the relationship between the situation of Polish Diaspora education and the conditions of its existence. This implies preservation of national identity and culture, variously conceived and formulated by Poles in exile and the Polish Diaspora, who increasingly drop the first part - national identity and emphasize - cultural identity. It becomes symptomatic - it is easy to lose cultural awareness without preservation of an overriding national awareness. Thus, what is the role of Polish Diaspora education? Is there a need to preserve national and cultural identity, particularly in the European Union? The author looks for answers, giving a brief on forms of education in different countries of residence of Poles and Polish Diaspora. He sees the goal of education not so much as promoting knowledge, but as preserving and handing down the universal values important for earlier generations, and relevant for some time. The unification that is so-called globalism adversely affects the status of national and cultural identity preservation. The more intensive the process of globalization, the less people's awareness of national identity and sense of belonging to a specific culture. In a globalized world, there is no room for national awareness and cultural identity. It may seem that a person who wants to keep these two elements, remains on the verge of global society.
EN
European, Spanish, and regional identities were studied as part of a wider research survey of youth beliefs and experiences regarding the European Union. The research was conducted in the capital city (Madrid) and the Basque Country (Bilbao). At each location, representative and European-oriented youth samples (N=400 and N=100 each) of 18-24 years (50% female) were gathered. The interviewees were asked about their perception of border countries as included in Europe, and to rate different feasible meanings of the EU, its impact (at personal, regional, and country levels), and different cognitive, affective and evaluative aspects of European, Spanish and regional identities. Regarding European borders, Turkey was the only country most interviewees did not perceive as part of or belonging to Europe. Geography, membership in the EU and, above all, the Euro currency emerged as the most salient features of meaning for Europe (beyond shared values and traditions). The European Union was perceived as having a positive, but small impact for the person, moderate for the region, and greater impact for the country of Spain. The identity patterns were similar in most of their aspects: In Madrid, the Spanish identity was the most important, the importance of regional identity was similar to it, and the identification with Europe was moderate, the least important. In Bilbao, the identification with the Basque Country was the strongest, while Spanish and European identities were related and came out of 'little' importance. Older interviewees presented stronger European identity in the pro-European but weaker in the general sample. Finally, interviewees considered themselves only 'sometimes' as a 'European citizen' with no significant difference by Region, Age or Gender group.These relationships seem to reflect the configuration of different levels of social identity. The hegemony of different nationalist orientations led to a distinct meaning of national identity in each region (Spain in Madrid but the Basque Country in Bilbao). Thus, instead of a continuum of social category inclusiveness (as suggested by Brewer 1991), the results show different breaches between levels of social categories and identities - between Basque and higher levels in Bilbao and between Spanish and higher levels in Madrid. Summing up, the identity level reflecting the dominant national identity seems to function as a basic category distinctively organizing the whole identity configuration.The impact of the European Union was perceived as much stronger for the country (Spain) than for the region and the person. Madrid and pro-European samples perceived stronger impact on the less inclusive categories. Beyond the different identity configurations, these patterns suggest a relationship between the weak perceived impact of the European Union on levels closer to the person and the weak identification with Europe. Finally, though interviewees did not recall learning a lot about the European Union at school, this perception, as well as the experience of visiting other European countries and mastering European languages, was enhanced in the younger and the pro-European sample (and among Bilbao respondents). Thus, personal and social experiences would reinforce the perceived impact of the European Union at the personal level and certainly contribute to reinforce a shared European identity beyond national-regional nuances in the Spanish context.
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The article shows the significance of collective memory in shaping Spanish national identity and presents the functioning of historical memory in socio-political space and culture. During the process of democratization, memory was a factor stimulating the peaceful character of changes then ongoing in Spain. In time its condition underwent major adjustments, passing through subsequent stages that corresponded with the current socio-political circumstances. The article analyzes the controversies that had accumulated around historical memory and are connected with the revision of history, including the civil war (1936-1939) followed by the institution of dictatorship by general Francisco Franco and the democratic transformation after the dictator's death in 1975. Gradually, it has become possible to view the past with relative calm and to undertake attempts at defining it. In culture, alternative forms of settling accounts with the past were sought. Artistic production, such as, among others, national songs and feature films restore memory, shape new forms of its development and compensate for the lack of possibilities of speaking openly about history and for the shortcomings of language.
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Content available LE PATRIE DEL POETA PER KAZIMIERA IŁŁAKOWICZÓWNA
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The paper focuses on the different meanings that the idea of homeland is expressed in Kazimiera Iłłakowiczówna’s poetry, comparing them also with what she writes about it in her prose and in private correspondence, in order to find out if and how her attitude toward identitarian matters changed during her long lifetime. Iłłakowiczówna’s case seems particularly relevant in this respect since she lived in a multicultural environment and happened to approach several languages and cultures, and also because of the tensions she had to endure due to the dramatic events that occurred in Central Europe in the course of the century.
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