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XX
EU decision-making has always been criticised, mostly due to its complexity. Nowadays, especially with regard to several crises Europe is facing, the criticism is overwhelming. However, such criticism is rarely accompanied by an even superficial attempt to explore EU decision-making and its specificity, which can briefly be described as multi-level, multi-faceted, and complex. The purpose of this article is to present and analyse decision-making in the European Union through the prism of three logics of political action often used in international relations, the logic of consequentiality, the logic of appropriateness and the logic of justification. These examine the motives, behaviour and goals of players who influence decisions. The main thesis of this article is that the specifics of the EU decision-making mean that each of the logics is reflected even in terms of single issues. This results in the fact that the European Union, in terms of its decision-making, remains a sui generis structure, with a mode of decision-making incomparable to other international structures. Analysis of EU decision-making through the prism of the three logics also gives a research perspective to help understanding of specific EU decisions in different integration and international contexts.
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tom nr 8
32-35
PL
W artykule autorzy starają się przybliżyć poszczególne instytucje Unii oraz określają ich schematy organizacyjne.
EN
The autors attempt to bring closer to the Reader the indvidual institutions of the Union and draw their organization charts.
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nr 3(55)
105-125
EN
The author presents an analysis of withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union (BREXIT) as well as expected solutions. Legal ways of withdrawal, negotiations, conditions of implementation of procedure set out in Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union are characterized. It is pointed that because of Brexit Poland faces a great challenge, but an effective diplomacy should protect Poland from negative political and economic impacts. An own strategy of functioning in the reformed EU ought to be formulated as soon as possible.
5
Content available remote Decyzje w Unii Europejskiej
63%
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nr 4
67-90
EN
The current text of the European Security Strategy is 12 years old. Its record relates to a world, even if not completely non-existent, then certainly one that is described selectively. As such it urgently requires a fresh look. Avoiding the strategic debate per se does not remove the need for the EU to act strategically. Its aim is not mere participation in international relations based on the existing potential to effectively protect Community interests. The lack of an upto-date security strategy blurs the clarity of purpose, weakens domestic consensus, and does not facilitate communication with other international actors. Pursuing strategies by collective actors (with multiple centres of decision-making), which is the case with the European Union, by its very nature cannot be easy. Democracy as a common denominator for the EU and the Member States’ status as sovereign decision-makers on strategic matters do not provide for a single dominant model of a security strategy. Thus, inevitably, both short-term decisions and the common strategic culture are the result of a laborious and rather slow process. The main purpose of the EU strategy, however, is to be simply an instrument of good policy and an effective reference point in planning specific, collective actions, conscious of the clearly stated interests of the entire Community. It is not replaceable by ad hoc measures or sectoral approaches (resulting solely from external circumstances, opportunities as they arise, or simply viewed as ersatz strategy). Having a strategy promotes the strong members in the implementation of their plans and in the case of the weaker—brings hope that their security situation will improve. Thus, it is also an attribute of global leadership, to which the EU aspires.
7
Content available remote Działania zewnętrzne Unii Europejskiej wobec państw nieuznawanych
63%
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2013
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nr 1(346)
248-273
EN
The object of the article is to present and assess the stance of the European Union towards unrecognized states. The implementation of the idea of supporting peace and democracy, freedom, equality and respect of human rights, minority rights included – all of them being values in which the European Union’s functioning is grounded – is especially problematic in relation to new state organisms. The EU is unable to take a uniform stance towards them that would allow to reconcile the right to independence with the necessity to guaranty the sovereign rights of the precedent states. In the cases discussed in the article the EU’s stance towards newly created states is conditioned by several factors. The first of them is the desire to play a key role on the international arena that manifests in conducting activities aimed at warranting peace and security in regions troubled by conflicts. Another is a concurrent tendency to respect the basic principles accepted by the international community after World War II, i.e. the sovereign equality of states and the right of nations to self-determination. The external actions of the European Union are also shaped by the stance of other international key actors. The above mentioned factors determine the EU’s stance towards unrecognized states, which is known as engagement without recognition.
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nr 1
119-135
EN
This article discusses the language policies of the European Union and the United Nations. The author has raised two main research questions, which are reflected in the aims of the article. The two principal aims are to demonstrate that the language policies of the EU and the UN are multilingualism policies as well as to present their corresponding and divergent elements based on their assumptions and objectives. At the beginning, the author presents the concepts of language policy and multilingualism, and then analyses all aspects of multilingualism in the EU and UN contexts. The author extensively presents the legal framework of multilingualism, its policies and the role of Member States in the promotion of multilingualism in both organisations. The final part of the article is devoted to a comparison of the two presented systems.
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2016
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nr 9
127-139
EN
The article refers to Polish membership in the European Union and the liberal perspective of its analysis. The paper discusses the shortages of the liberal approach. The article accepts the liberal thesis regarding the opportunities that the accession to the EU opens up for Polish development. It notes the significance of the European mechanisms of regional cooperation. Nevertheless, the paper emphasises that the liberal perspective ignores the inequalities of power in the European Union and misses some serious tendencies, both at the level of the community and in the domestic politics, that impede the state’s development. Thus, the article refers to the limited competitiveness of the Polish economy and the state’s difficulties with the identification of its interests in the dynamic and variable international environment. It warns against the marginalization of Poland as “semi-peripheral” member of the European Union. The main conclusion of the paper is that the case of Polish membership in the EU is too complicated to close it in the liberal frameworks. The liberal perspective needs a realist correction. It is extremely important in the context of the challenges that Poland faces together with the crisis of the European integration.
10
Content available remote Unia Europejska wobec kryzysu finansów publicznych w strefie euro
63%
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2012
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nr 2(343)
145-170
EN
The author presents initiatives launched by the European Union in order to overcome the financial crisis of the eurozone member states. To meet this goal emergency instruments were created (aid programs for Greece, European Stability Mechanism and purchase by the European Central Bank of loans issued by countries of the eurozone in debt crisis) as well as permanent instruments (the Euro Plus Pact, sharpened regulations of the Stability and Growth Pact and the Fiscal Pact). Emergency measures did not bring about any substantial positive effects since only the financial situation of Ireland improved to some extent. The state of public finances in Greece is still critical and therefore many economists suggest that this country should declare its bankruptcy. Permanent instruments to fight debt might yield the desired effects (in the case of a majority of the eurozone countries) if they are used consistently and in accordance with their object.
EN
The purpose of this paper is to provide an opinion on the regulation of freedom of conscience in the constitutions of European Union countries (with the exception of Italian and Polish regulations). The author concludes that freedom of conscience is guaranteed in all European Union countries. In most of them, it is expressed explicitly in the Constitution, and in other countries, it is guaranteed under Article 9 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of 4 November 1950.
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tom 16
s.209-234
EN
This article presents an analysis of the growing role of transnational processes and interaction between political parties, interest groups, non-governmen¬tal organisations, and other civil society institutions. The main aim is to discuss the nature of transnational participatory processes, the reasons for their occurrence, and their forms and manifestations and intensity and effectiveness, as well as their con¬sequences for the functioning of the EU system with respect to its democratic char¬acter. The research problems approached in this article include: 1) the nature of transnational participation, its determinants and the factors affecting its develop¬ment; 2) explication of the interrelations between the laws adopted by the European Union and the transnational participatory processes; 3) the increasing social approval for the actions undertaken and the process of integration as a whole – increasing the output legitimacy of the European Union – as a result of the transna¬tional participatory processes.
EN
The document aims at establishing a mechanism enabling the Union to respond when a third country, by measures affecting trade or investment, interferes with the legitimate choices of the Union or of its Member States to adopt or refrain from adopting a particular act. Given the exclusive nature of the EU’s competences in the area of the Common Commercial Policy, as well as the EU’s economic potential and the resulting potentially greater effectiveness of response measures at the EU level, the proposal deserves to be supported by the representative of the Republic of Poland on the EU forum.
EN
The paper presents information on the legal regulation of the profession of a psychologist in Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Portugal, and Norway. In the European Union law that profession is covered by the so-called general system of recognition of professional qualifications. The article examines legal provisions regulating the profession, the qualification and educational requirements, and the conditions for practising psychology in the above-mentioned countries.
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nr 2(66)
95-105
EN
The European Commission Communication on the Conference on the Future of Europe is a contribution to the inter-institutional discussion on the convening and operation of the Conference and its results. From this perspective, it is a working document, not a final one, which would cause the necessity to take a clear and comprehensive position. In the author’s opinion, the draft inter-institutional declaration on the Conference will be of key importance.
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nr 1(49)
103-116
EN
This paper deals with the regulation which specifies the rules in which the Sejm affects the policies of the European Union. It examines the assumptions for change in respect of the Act of 8 October 2010 on Cooperation of the Council of Ministers with the Sejm and the Senate in Matters Related to the Republic of Poland’s Membership in the European Union, as well as the Standing Orders of the Sejm. The proposed changes relate primarily to the socalled a general mechanism of cooperation in the field of EU law making between the Council of Ministers and the Sejm and the Senate. It is assumed that general principles relating to the so-called political dialogue and the carrying out by the Sejm of notification duties will be introduced by the Cooperation Act. The proposed amendment to the Standing Orders of the Sejm deals with participation by the branch committees in consideration of documents that are sent to the Sejm by the EU institutions, as well as the participation of the Sejm operating at plenary sitting in activities related to Poland’s membership in the EU.
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2015
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nr 9
17-37
EN
This paper seeks answers to the following two research questions: whether it is possible to have democracy without people (here as an example of democracy at the supranational level in the EU), and what are the sources of such a democracy, if the source is not a nation, and the area is not a state? This paper provides a new approach to the theory of democracy and postulates to integrate a new type of democracy and traditional concept of democracy. The main theoretical paradigm on which the theory was based is supranationalism with elements of the theory of democracy and Multi-level Governance (MLG). Supranational democracy in the European Union is located on a supranational level of MLG, which means that it is not assigned to the state and – importantly – in practice demonstrates that it does not have to have a national character. The text presents a preliminary attempt at a theoretical analysis related to supranational democracy in the EU. In practice, the author goes towards identifying the constituent components of the concept of “supranational democracy” and the sources of this phenomenon in the European Union.
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2015
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nr 9
7-16
EN
Researchers have posed questions concerning the dynamics and crisis of European integration since its beginnings. They have proposed and continue to propose new research fields and questions on the theoretical and empirical approaches to the issue of irregularities in the Euro- pean Union, in particular the most recent ones. The author of this paper joins this trend, and takes a standpoint with respect to the (dependent and independent) variables that define the distorted dynamics of EU integration which have been analytically determined. The author intends to expose the distorted dynamics of the EU system and European integration, as well as the crises that accompany them, fuelling numerous academic, political and media debates and polemics. The research agenda of both an epistemological and empirical nature concerns the academic search for an anti-crisis finalité politique. The paper confirms the pluralistic nature of integration ideology, where no single theory or theoretical concept suffices to explain the increasingly complex, multi-directional crisis-related phenomena and interactions following from European integration. Therefore “the Union as described and academically analysed” is not always equivalent to “the Union in action.” That is why we are dealing with the growing detachment of theoretical concepts from the practical activities within the process of European integration. This paper demonstrates that the theoretical attempts at presenting European integration and its crises result in a certain permeation of paradigms between different concepts and in spontaneous promulgation and ‘merging’ of selected elements of theoretical outlooks that were assigned to quite different, or even contradictory theories and concepts.
20
Content available Podatek bankowy w krajach UE – wybrane aspekty
54%
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tom 43
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nr 2
88-100
EN
The article discusses the manners of implementing the bank tax in the selected EU countries and analyses the changes concerning the financial resilience of banks and the level of risk incurred by them. The research conducted is to verify the thesis whether a significant change of the financial condition of the banking sector has occurred after introduction of the bank tax in the EU countries. The study covered the financial resilience, understood as the ability of the banks to absorb the loses and the level of risk of the bank’s exposure.
PL
W artykule zostały omówione sposoby wdrażania podatku bankowego w wybranych krajach UE oraz dokonana analiza zmian dotyczących odporności finansowej banków i poziomu ryzyka przez nie ponoszonego. Przeprowadzone badanie ma na celu weryfikację tezy, czy po wprowadzeniu podatku bankowego w krajach UE nastąpiła istotna zmiana kondycji finansowej sektora bankowego. Badanie dotyczyło odporności finansowej, rozumianej jako zdolność banków do absorbowania strat oraz poziomu ryzyka ekspozycji banku.
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