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1
Content available remote Interdisciplinary Relations in Urban Studies
100%
EN
Cities and towns are subject of many disciplines, often researching into similar aspects with use of similar methods, though each of them enriches the knowledge with its own perspective. Similar interests and sharing researching fields leads to interdisciplinary studies and hybrid disciplines, as e.g. 'urban studies' developed in the West. In the paper, similar and different views from diverse disciplines in this field are described, juxtaposed during recent conference held at the University of Warsaw.
EN
The definition of the medieval town is a difficult task and we find several opinions about it among historians. Probably the definition of the functions of town provides the best solution, several criteria should be considered simultaneously. In earlier Hungarian historiography the juridical situation of the towns was considered as most important, only free royal towns, the civitates were considered as towns, all in all thirty of them, thus whole regions should have been with no towns at all. The towns with walls, but owned by landlords and the market towns without walls were not considered as towns. Slovak historiography considers these towns with walls, but owned by landlords and the market towns without walls as towns too, and calls them 'mestecko', or small towns. Nevertheless, we can not consider all market towns as towns even if they had some functions of towns. Ten criteria of centrality were elaborated by the author, with points from 1 to 6. I. Centre of a domain, residence of king or lord. II. Juridical centre, loca credibilia. III. Financial centre. IV. Church administration. V. Church institutions, especially mendicant orders' monasteries and hospices. VI. University students from this town. VII. Number of guilds. VIII. Crossroad. IX. Markets and fairs. X. Legal situation of the town. Thus we can conclude: 1. First rank centres above 41 points. 2. Second rank centres 31-40 points. 3. Smaller towns, important market-towns 21-30 points. 4. Middle rank market towns 21-30 points. 5. Less important market towns with some functions of towns 11-15 points. 6. Average market towns and bigger villages 6-10 points. 7. Market towns without importance and bigger villages 1-5 points. Settlements with at least 16 points are members of the towns' network. Until now, for two thirds of Hungary's territory, we could define these points with 94 towns, among them 9 of the first, 7 of the second and 26 of the third, 52 of the fourth category. In this territory there were only 13 free royal towns.
EN
This study concentrates on three towns: Eperjes, Bártfa and Kisszeben on the basis of the towns archives of these three towns. These towns were important centres of industry and commerce in the seventeenth century. Kassa and Eperjes were important fortresses too. Eperjes was an important and influential town at the crossroad of important commercial roads. It had around five thousand inhabitants, Germans, Slovaks and Hungarians. Bártfa, on the other hand, was a town in decline. It flourished in the Middle Ages but declined in the seventeenth century. It had 3228 inhabitants, Germans and Slovaks, with few Hungarians. Kisszeben, on the other hand, was a town of lesser importance. It had some 2200 inhabitants, and as it was in the neighbourhood of Eperjes, it could not develop freely. The burghers were mainly Slovaks and Germans. In Kisszeben, the Lutheran church dominated in the seventeenth century. The richer German Lutherans used the parish church, the Slovak Lutherans the smaller Holy Virgin church. There were no Catholics at Kisszeben. Eperjes was one of the centres of the Lutheran churches and schools in Hungary. There were German, Slovak and Hungarian Lutheran pastors and cantors. The lyceum of Eperjes was one of the most important Lutheran schools of Hungary. One of its first students was Imre Thököly, the 'Kurutz King', the prince of Upper Hungary. All senators were Lutherans, the Catholic were not allowed to have their own church, they could meet only at the private house of the barons Klobusiczky, and the Franciscans of Alsósebes came to celebrate mass. The Franciscan friars were not allowed to live in the abandoned Carmelite monastery used as economical buildings. Neither was the practice of Catholic religion allowed at Bártfa, here the parish priest of Zboro came to celebrate mass at the private house of a customs officer, however, the magistrate of Bártfa impeded his activity.
EN
The violent acts represent a very high number of criminal cases put into the town-book of Selmecbánya, most criminals, more than one hundred persons were accused of murder. There is a very high proportion of cases when the defendant resisted to the town leadership. Between 1360 and 1420 at Selmecbánya, an average of 1.6 murders were committed each year. However, the mortality in Selmecbánya caused by murders was not exceptionally high in the Middle Ages, if we compare these cases with those of Kassa, Zágráb or Western European towns. The town-book of Selmecbánya gave the punishments for each crime, however, these very severe punishment were carried out only rarely. More often, the criminals were exiled from Selmecbánya and a special type of punishment was the expiatory pilgrimage. The half of the fourty pilgrims in medieval Hungary who had to accomplish an expiatory pilgrimage came from Selmecbánya.
EN
In order to survey the changes in the settlement pattern, this essay compares the results of empirical hierarchy research carried out for the years 1910, 1965, 1995, 2000, with those of the analysis that was made for specifying the quantitative characteristics of urban functions. Considering the results, we can state that 20th century urbanization did not result in a spectacular increase in the number of settlements with urban functions, and that the structure of the urban hierarchy appeared to be stable for the last century - even if the composition of certain hierarchy levels was altered. We called particular attention to the cities falling back in their hierarchy position (e.g. Sátoraljaújhely, Balassagyarmat, Jászberény, Makó, Mohács etc.) Industrialization, agglomeration and tourism were the three major incentives that caused rise within the urban hierarchy in the 20th century.
6
Content available remote MULTI-DIMENSION BORDERNESS AND URBANIZATION PROCESSES IN SOUTH SUDANESE JUBA
51%
EN
Juba is a borderland city - situating in the most southern part of Sudan, in close proximity of border with Kenya, Uganda, Congo DR and Central African Republic. These limitation of this district of Southern Sudan harmonizes with the thresholds of historical periods of Juba and the whole of Southern Sudan, always hung somewhere between crisis and stabilization, war and peace, chaos and order. In the case of this particular city, the so called 'borders' are being constantly intensified by very vivid urban development. Juba is currently in the phase of creation. Furthermore, it is also a place of intensive influence of many phenomena of a transforming nature - e.g. globalization or informal commercial trade exchange. All those causes make it possible for a specific culture to maintain, both in meaning and the processual sense very close to the third phase of Arnold's van Gennep rites de passage - 'trespassing rituals'. In this case there is also the association with another grand ethnologist - Victor Turner, and his theory on the ritual of the liminality.
EN
What did the burghers of Besztercebánya do in their free time in the sixteenth century? Because of the great fire of 1500, the archive material is much better conserved for the town of Besztercebánya for the sixteenth century. In this period we can reconstruct the free time of the burghers of Besztercebánya. The election of the mayor of the town gave occasion for merrymaking. Weddings and christenings were private occasions for merrymaking but the statutes of the town of Besztercebánya tried to regulate these occasions, too. The most frequent way to pass time was for the men in Besztercebánya to sit in the tavern and to drink and chat. At nine o'clock the 'Bierglocke' (the beer bell) indicated the time to close the pubs. Burghers not only drank, they played cards or dices. Another type of entertainment was the school theatre of Besztercebánya. Another centre of social life was represented by the town baths. The book culture of the town of Besztercebánya was very rich too, the greatest library belonged to Johann Dernschwam, with more than two thousand volumes.
EN
The surviving sources in relation to the Corpus Christi confraternity, its rule(s), registers, inventories, accounts and membership lists as well as the relevant notes in the town books and accounts were considered and reconsidered together with a strong emphasis on the pious orders and donations of the burghers in their last wills to analyse the religious, social, and economic role of the confraternity in the life of late medieval Bratislava (Pozsony/Pressburg). As far as the sources allowed, besides the elite character of the brotherhood in the town in general, this study also examined how and in which ways it was present in almost all main ecclesiastical institutions, parishes and monasteries of the town. Though the confraternity resided in Saint Martin parish church, through its chapel and altars it was present throughout the whole city. The confraternity's religious place during the fifteenth and early sixteenth century was investigated through the last will donations, while its economic significance was defined in the period by analysing the accounts. These town and confraternity accounts allowed providing some hints about the Corpus Christi feast and procession as well, together with a hypothetical route of procession within the town. Finally, according to the present state of research, in the mirror of the surviving charters, some reconstructed lists were presented in the appendix on the confraternity masters, confraternity chaplains, and those altar priests who served at the altars patronised by the brotherhood.
EN
Since conscriptions, church registers or other traditional sources of historical demography are lacking, research on family structure in late medieval Hungarian towns has to utilize indirect evidence. This article explores the potential of last wills from Eperjes (present-day Presov) in this respect, examining 123 wills from this free royal town from the period between 1446 and 1526. By bequeathing goods to spouses, children, grandchildren, brothers, sisters, and other collateral relatives, or mentioning them in other contexts, the testators could outline the circle of kin that was important for them. However, in Eperjes - contrary to two free royal towns in Western Hungary (Sopron and Pozsony/Pressburg/Bratislava) analysed by the author before - this circle did not comprise all living members of a family. With some simplification, the majority of last wills from Eperjes can be termed 'one-generation wills', in which most goods and chattels are bequeathed to relatives who belonged to the testator's own generation: spouses (eventually with under-age chidren), brothers, sisters and cousins. Parents and grandchildren are hardly ever mentioned, which can be explained partly with a presumably high rate of mortality, and partly with the neolocality and independent households of grown-up children. More significant is the strikingly low number of children occuring in the wills. In 106 families that can be analysed on the basis of the testaments, only 74 children are mentioned altogether. If this had been the real rate of reproduction, the population of the town would have been threatened with extinction within three generations. The relatively high number of brothers and sisters (in most cases two or three), whose inclusion in the wills was made obligatory in local customary law, also contradicts the assumption of too small families. Therefore in Eperjes one cannot estimate the number of surviving offspring on the basis of last wills. The explanation of the rare occurrence of children must be sought not in demographic features, but in the system of inheritance. Through the parallel study of last wills and the only surviving medieval protocol of the town, one can see several examples when property was divided well before both parents' death, so there was little left to be divided on the death-bed. The children's share was handed over when they came of age or married, or when one of the parents remarried. The Eperjes case-study calls for a closer examination of the interdependence of inheritance customs and family structure. One can also notice that even towns within the same country and legal framework show considerable regional variation, which should make one cautious towards too broad generalizations.
EN
The everyday life of the burghers in the sixteenth century was full of violence. Murder and robbery were common, many knights belonged to the robber knights (Raubritter). The study gives many examples of robbers executed at Besztercebánya, Kassa, Eperjes. Sexual violence and rape were common, too. Contemporary judges thought that a woman could become pregnant only if she enjoyed the violent act, therefore if a women became pregnant after the rape, it could not be called a real rape. The family of the raped women often forced the victims to marry the rapper. Even very young girls, still children, were raped and the rappers got away with relatively mild punishments. Ritual group raping committed by young boys was recorded at Kassa in 1579. Many women committed infanticide, they wanted to conceal their pregnancy and thus the illegitimate relationship. A special case is represented by the execution of the town executioner of Eperjes, he was beheaded by his 'colleague' from Locse because he tried to kill a local soldier while he was drunk.
EN
In the paper a possible theoretical approach of residential environmental research is outlined. The paper also deals with the application of the resulted model in the case of concrete neighbourhoods. The model is based on the Coleman system behaviour model, which emphasizes the fact that the macro level changes always happen with the 'mediation' of the micro level. The decisions brought on the micro level under the conditions set on the macro level add up on the aggregate level again and produce a new structure in society and space. The aim of the research the model is used in is to explain the differences in the trajectories of different residential areas of originally nearly the same age, architectural design and social composition in Budapest. In the applied twinning residential environment dynamics model the classic Coleman-model is doubled. It is due to the necessity of combining the individual mobility and investment mobility trends, that together give dynamism to the neighbourhoods and other larger or smaller scale spatial units of residential function. Besides the general model a neighbourhood specific application of the model is presented on the rehabilitation process of Middle - Józsefváros, a classic downgrading area, where a few years ago a large scale renewal process was initiated.
12
Content available remote URBAN TRANSFORMATION FROM PUBLIC AND PRIVATE SPACE TO SPACES OF HYBRID CHARACTER
44%
EN
The main characteristics of public space are accessibility and usability for all citizens. However, current developments, primarily observed in cities, suggest the loss of a clear distinction between public and private space. Instead, urban spaces of hybrid character are emerging. Spaces with public functions, like train stations, parks or pedestrian areas, are changing in character, and semi-private spaces, like malls or plazas, are spreading. In order to get a realistic view of developments this article offers a critical appraisal of recent privatisation trends followed by a brief summary. After discussing feasible reasons for the loss of private space the article considers potential implications for the future of citizenship.
EN
By treating concepts of space, such as that of the region as discursive constructs the author attempts to introduce a perspective that seems to be lacking in current accounts about Hungarian regionalisation. The discursive approach rests on the assumption that language is central to our knowledge about reality. On this basis, the emergence and role of spatial concepts is discussed in terms of their ability to coordinate human action. Furthermore, particular attention is paid to those questions that arise in connection with spatial concepts the meaning of which is not rooted in the Habermasian lifeworld and is thus not intersubjectively shared. Emphasis is put on the importance of the discursive context and power and possible modes of resistance are equally mentioned. Allusion is made to several strands of philosophical thought, such as poststructuralism and Habermasian action theory. These admittedly diverging accounts agree on looking at entities as discursively constituted and can thus be fruitfully exploited to develop a position, which rejects the taken-for-granted representations of space and aims at their deconstruction. This is hoped to result in uncovering oppressed points of view, as well as in canalizing current debates.
EN
After the political-economic transition in Hungary the strict rules of the market economy enforced a rapid adaptation to these new conditions. One aspect of this adaptation is the re-examination of the firms' location. In consequence of this relocation the preceding high (urban) concentration of the economic activity has been reducing since the relocating firms prefer suburban location to rural or urban sites.
EN
At the turn of the 21st century, the spatial turn that took place in various fields of humanities and social sciences could also be observed in literary studies. On the international level, research was inspired by topics and theories from such fields as architecture, urban studies, sociology or anthropology. Slovak literary studies, however, has not been significantly inspired by geo-poetics and has not devoted systematic attention to the study of urban locations and motives. This article provides a basic overview of existing research into the representations of urban settings in Slovak literature. It maps topics and methodological background of individual research initiatives with a special focus on literary and artistic representations of Bratislava. The paper also outlines new lines of inquiry, such as the relationship between literary representations of the city in the post-socialist Central Europe and the phenomenon of nostalgia. It also suggests the possibilities of comparative research. With regards to the latter, the author argues that juxtaposing literary representations of Bratislava with representations of urban settings in the literatures of other European “small nations” (Miroslav Hroch) offers more fruitful ground for research than searching for similarities in culturally and geographically closer Hungarian or Czech literature. The article also provides a list of selected literature on the problematics of urban representations in Slovak literature and culture.
16
Content available remote Antropologia miasta – urbanizacja, przestrzen i relacje spoleczne
38%
Lud
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2011
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tom 95
69-90
EN
This paper discusses the tensions between empirical and theoretical analyses of the city. It argues that a distinction between "anthropology of the city" and "anthropology in the city" ought to be made. The former aims at understanding the city as a whole, while the latter is based upon participant observation and classic fieldwork wherein the "urban experience" is studied in a first-hand fashion. While there is a veritable anthropological tradition of studies in the urban milieu, there is not enough adequate theoretical discussion on understanding the city as a whole. The failure of the research project led by Rem Koolhaas in Nigerian Lagos is an apt example of what is called "naive urban anthropology", where the two are confused. After presenting and critiquing Koolhaas' research, this paper argues that in order to develop a more theoretical understanding of urbanization one needs to follow in the wake of urban theory devised by David Harvey and Neil Smith. It argues that most predicaments in urban theory stem from the domination of thinking within the confines of the paradigm of "absolute space". The paper gives a historical account of the emergence of absolute space, and then shows how it has been eclipsed by both relative and relational spaces. It shows how Harvey's inverted ontology, giving primacy to space and not to place, can alleviate some of the current shortcomings of urban anthropology, and how the theoretical perspective ought to be complimented with anthropological studies of the emergent new "urban ways of life" in contemporary cities.
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