Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Chvála a kritika prvorepublikové demokracie

100%

Pehr M.

Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)

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2014

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tom 6

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nr 1

120-134

EN

Praise and criticism of First Republic democracy is a study that deals with the way the pros and cons of First Republic democracy were evaluated at the time, as well as the way society perceived this concept at the time and what it highlighted or criticized in the political reality of the First Republic political system.

2

Standarty demokracji przedstawicielskiej w Unii Europejskiej a equilibrium legiymizacyjne w czasach kryzysu

100%

Riedel R.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2013

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nr 2

s.9-32

EN

The two important events that shape our thinking about the democratic standards within the European Union and its member states at the break of the first and second decade of the XXI century are: the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as the economic crisis in some members of the euro-zone. This analysis examines the major claims of the Treaty on democracy, its mechanisms and legitimacy. Subsequently, it contextualises them in the existing literature on democratic deficit and the legitimacy questions in the multilevel governance system of the EU. The author builds a scheme which reflects the channels of legitimacy in the decision-making process which the EU is entertaining. This system is then confronted with the problem of the current economic crisis. The ‘rescue policies’ intervention of the EU is criticised by many for violating the vox populi in the indebted countries. Therefore, this paper reflects upon the tension between democratically justified but economically irresponsible decisions on the one side, and the austerity measures imposed as a consequence of the previous decisions imposed from the outside and therefore seen as ‘undemocratic’. The author concludes that the present legitimacy equilibrium is sufficient to democratically justify the austerity measures imposed on the reform-resistant economies.

3

Quasi-prawodawcza inicjatywa obywatelska jako element demokracji uczestniczącej w systemie prawnoinstytucjonalnym Unii Europejskiej

100%

Wróbel I.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2013

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nr 1(346)

69-93

EN

The object of the article is to present the rulings of the primary and secondary law of the European Union pertaining to the citizens’ initiative at the suprastate level that serve the implementation of organizational and infrastructural solutions as well as the first experiences with applying the accepted legal norms, administrative procedures and informative-communicative means. The analysis of the legal grounds aims at positioning the European citizens’ initiative in the classifications of democracy and its tools proposed so far, and adjusting theoretical approaches to states to the needs of studies on a suprastate organization of an integrative character. Analysis of the course and results of hitherto application of the rulings on the European Citizens’ Initiative purports to answer the question whether and how the direct power of the citizens of the European Union is exercised in practice at the level of this organization. The focus of the study is the question whether implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon actually results in a significant broadening of the scope of participating democracy and whether the European citizens are interested in using this new instrument of democracy, namely popular initiative at the suprastate level.

4

AXIOLOGICAL FUNDAMENTS OF RELATIONS BETWEEN ETHICS AND POLITICS

87%

Podrez E.

Studia Philosophiae Christianae

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2020

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tom 56

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nr S2

217-237

PL

The subject of this article is the axiological basis of relations between morality and politics. The author shows anthropological and metaphysical origins of the idea of common good in social life. What role does morality play in political activity and where are moral foundations of a democratic state to be found? How to ensure the presence of moral values in public life (education, participation, common good, open society). The most important questions include: Who is responsible for ideas of democracy? Can democracy survive without a footing in pre–democratic values?

5

The implementation of democratic values in the first post-war decade in Japan

85%

Kubas S.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2013

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nr 3

69-84

PL

Artykuł poświęcony jest zagadnieniu wprowadzania zasad reżimu demokratycznego do życia politycznego Japonii po zakończeniu II wojny światowej. Zamierzeniem autora była próba określenia sposobu i poziomu zakorzeniania się wartości demokratycznych w świadomości społeczeństwa japońskiego. Dlatego też autor stara się określić wpływ wartości demokratycznych na postawy społeczne Japończyków w omawianym okresie czasu. W tym celu zostaje dokonana analiza kilku kluczowych dla zrozumienia problemu płaszczyzn: aksjologicznej, normatywnej i instytucjonalnej. Autor ukazuje także wpływ wewnętrznych postaw społecznych w Japonii manifestowanych w zakresie kultury politycznej na konwersję zasad i wartości demokracji i proces demokratyzacji.

EN

The article describes the problem of democracy in Japan as an external political system introduced after the end of World War II. The author tries to explore how deeply democratic values were rooted in Japanese society in the first decade after the war. The key objective of this article is to analyse how Japanese democratic values functioned at that time, how they influenced political attitudes and if they were coherent. There are three basic dimensions of the author’s considerations: axiological, normative and institutional. To achieve this, the author describes democratic values, internal elements of Japanese political culture and the democratisation process as a single complex process.

6

E–voting as a new form of Civic Participationin democratic procedures

80%

Musiał-Karg M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2011

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tom 40

122-137

EN

Times are changing. The second half of the 19th century and the following years stood for rapid development of various tools based on electricity. Expansion of telecommunication and progress of electronic media constitute important elements of this period. It may be said, we now live in the Internet era, and there is a perception that anyone who does not jump on the technology bandwagon is going to be left far behind. The growth of online interactions can be observed by the inconceivable increase in the number of people with home PC and Internet access.

7

E-Voting as a New Form of Civic Participation in Democratic Procedures

80%

Musiał-Karg M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2010

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tom 39

72-87

EN

Times are changing. The second half of the 19th century and the following years stood for rapid development of various tools based on electricity. Expansion of telecommunication and progress of electronic media constitute important elements of this period. It may be said, we now live in the Internet era, and there is a perception that anyone who does not jump on the technology bandwagon is going to be left far behind. The growth of online interactions can be observed by the inconceivable increase in the number of people with home PC and Internet access.

8

What American people can tell – freedom of speech in United States

80%

Dziduszko-Rościszewska A.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2010

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tom 39

253-272

EN

Freedom of possessing and expressing own ideas and opinions and their dissemination is one of the fundamental rights, that entitled to each person. In addition to this, the freedom enables searching and getting information. Thanks to it, the right to express your own identity, selfrealization and aspiring to truth are guaranteed. It is one of the basic premise and the necessary condition to realize the idea of democracy. In the United States, the cradle of civil rights and modern democracy, the freedom of expression is guaranteed in the First Amendment to American Constitution (Bill of Rights), enacted in 1789 (came into force in 1791). On its virtue, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of (…) the freedom of speech, or of the press (…).” Although the record suggested that this freedom is absolute, (not restricted of any legislation), the later jurisdiction of the US Supreme Court (by case law) isolated categories of utterances that have not been contained by the First Amendment. ! e essential issues are answers on the following questions: in the name of what values Congress can limit the First Amendment? And where is the border of freedom of speech? One of the expressions that are not protected by the law is fi ghting words and hate words. The second are libel and slanders that are understood as a infringement of somebody’s rights.

9

The Sixth Republic under Roh Tae Woo: The Genesis of South Korean Democracy

80%

Strnad G.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2010

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tom 39

204-225

EN

The inauguration of Roh Tae Woo as president of the Sixth Republic of Korea in February 1988 can be considered as a turning point in South Korean political history. The five years of the Roh Tae Woo administration, 1988–1993, contained many of the first steps, albeit sometimes transitionally imperfect, toward democracy and an ultimate return to civilian rule of law, as well as greater political freedoms. According to Samuel P. Huntington, the Korean form of democratization was an example of transplacement, in which the government made concessions and opposition political groups accepted it to avoid mutual catastrophe. Furthermore, a case can be made for the mode of democratic transition in South Korea also being like Donald Share’s transition through transaction, Terry Lynn Karl and Philippe C. Schmitter’s transition by pact, and Adam Przeworki’s democracy with guarantees.

10

The Unfulfilled Promise? Deliberative Democracy vs. Political Participation

80%

Potz M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2010

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tom 39

108-125

EN

The article aims to, first, critically assess the idea and practice of deliberative democracy and, second, find it a proper place in the democratic theory. I start with defining the concept as it emerges from the works of some of its most prominent proponents (such as Fishkin, Cohen or Habermas), reiterating several of the important arguments in support of it. I then present various criticisms of deliberative democracy, regarding philosophical assumptions that inform it (the idea of common good, the conditions of rational deliberation etc.) and its modus operandi (its alleged procedural superiority over aggregative methods). I then off er further criticism of deliberative democracy as a model of democracy, an alternative to the dominant model of representative democracy, arguing from its ineff ectiveness in influencing political decisions. Instead, in the final section, I propose to establish deliberation as one of the two criteria of classifi cation and assessment of democratic systems, thus restoring its importance in the democratic theory.

11

American political campaigns

80%

Benoit W. L.

Central European Journal of Communication

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2009

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tom 2

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nr 2(3)

225-231

EN

This essay provides a perspective on political campaigns in the United States. First, the historical background is discussed. Then the style of political actors is addressed. Campaign practices and the role of the media in elections are described. Finally, political culture and professionalization are discussed.

12

"Believe and tremble": A Note on Margaret Fuller's Roman Revolution

80%

Matteson J.

Review of International American Studies

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2017

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tom 10

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nr 2

EN

John MattesonJohn Jay College of Criminal JusticeCity University of New YorkUSA“Believe and tremble”: A Note on Margaret Fuller’s Roman RevolutionAbstract: 1848, Europe’s year of revolutions, was also a revolutionary moment in the United States, for it witnessed the holding of the Seneca Falls Convention, the first formal gathering for the purpose of discussing the social and civil rights of women in America. A significant step on the road to Seneca Falls had taken place three years earlier when Margaret Fuller, the former editor of Emerson’s literary magazine The Dial, published Woman in the Nineteenth Century, an erudite and impassioned plea for female equality that had no precedent in American letters. Yet when the pioneering band of feminists gathered to ratify its Declaration of Sentiments at Seneca Falls, Fuller was thousands of miles away. The revolutionary movement to which she devoted her heart and toil that year was not the cause of American feminism, but the democratic revolution in Rome.

13

Theories explaining corruption in post-communist countries

80%

Chábová K.

Česká kriminologie (Czech Criminology)

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2016

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tom 1

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nr 3

1-14

EN

This article is looking at theoretical approaches to the study of corruption and tries to answer the question what could be the reason behind differences in the level of corruption between post-communist countries and established democracies in Europe on the theoretical level. First, this article discusses the problems of the definition of corrupt on. Next, this article presents the most important theories explaining corruption from the sociological point of view. This article will focus especially on norms (which are connected to rational choice, theory of ‘bad apples’ and ‘bad barrel’ and to criminological theories), on values (Max Weber, Inglehart and his theory of post-materialism), and finally on the extensive literature on corruption omitting any kind of theory. This paper will conclude with a discussion about which theories could explain the different levels of corruption in different countries.

14

Media na usługach demokracji

80%

Łuczak M.

Political Preferences

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2017

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nr 17

129-138

EN

Contemporary media plays an increasingly important role in society. Indubitable this process is driven by globalization, but also the democratization of public life. The media are the fruit of democracy, but also its guarantor. This situation, on the one hand, should be treated as a chance, but on the other hand we can also talk about threats. The author of this article raises questions about the models postulated in the interest of the subject and pathology.

15

Communicating with citizens? Representations of public opinion in Polish public discourse

80%

Szwed R.

Central European Journal of Communication

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2011

|

tom 4

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nr 2(7)

259-274

EN

While political scientists and communication scholars have long been interested in the relationship between democracy, media and public opinion, still too little attention has been focused on how these concepts and institutions are perceived by different actors functioning in the public sphere. This paper argues that the kind of idea of public opinion persists in society depends on the model of democracy adopted by various public actors, the historical context of the idea and the agendas measuring public opinion. Based on in-depth (n = 32) and focused group (n = 36) interviews this study shows that the way people look at different theoretical concepts depends not only on their different representations but also on the roles they play in the public sphere. Representations of public opinion expressed by lay people, politicians and journalists seem to be mutually exclusive. The paper explores the way Polish democracy persists despite these controversies.

16

Herbert Blumer on the Interactional Order of the Democratic Society

80%

Hałas E.

Polish Sociological Review

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2012

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tom 177

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nr 1

3-18

EN

The article draws attention to the potential significance of Herbert Blumer’s heritage in the sociological analysis of the issues with which modern democracy has to deal. It aims to strengthen that current of interpretation pertaining to symbolic interactionism which opposes the widespread tendency to consider it as amicrosociological orientation. The article emphasizesmedium-range phenomena-in other words, mesosociological problems of organizations, interest groups and social movements. Blumer helped George H. Mead’s ideas, including the basic concept of the self, find a fuller application in sociology. To properly evaluate Blumer’s achievements, one should consider him as a researcher of the changes occurring in modern societies in general. He emphasized the existence of a constant process of defining and redefining social institutions, and thus, the role of civic agency-in other words, ultimately, of the reflexive self. In Blumer’s conceptions of symbolic interaction, joint action and negotiated order one may see an elaboration of the interactional order of the democratic society.

17

DISCRIMINATION, DEMOCRACY, AND POSTMODERN HUMAN RIGHTS

80%

Wypych B.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2013

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tom 42

163-184

EN

The question of discrimination, as far as it is considered in the field of philosophy, cannot be perceived as a problem which can be effectively combated. Even the most precise diagnosis of human nature will not restrain people from defining others as evil and inferior. The most universal and spacious conventions, declarations, cards or bills will not solve the problem either. They can be regarded as an example of applied philosophy at most. On the other hand, we should pose the question what the world would look like if political pragmatism were the main obligatory rule. Thus, the situation finds us between philosophical wishful thinking about a global order free from discrimination and macro – or micropolitical pragmatism.

18

Modern Understanding of National Security. Introduction to the Issue

80%

Olak A.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

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2016

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tom 18(18)

106-120

EN

Security is one of the most appreciated values in the social and individual dimension. Ensuring public security of a given society is an essential condition for the development of both individuals and the state understood as an organized group of individuals. Every citizen has a constitutionally guaranteed right to their behavior. The Constitution also recognized the independence, the territorial integrity of the state and the inviolability of borders as the supreme value. Poland as a sovereign and democratic Member State of the UN, OSCE, NATO and the EU adopted the stable and continuous national security as a priority objective.

19

An Oligarchic Democracy: Manipulation of Democratic Ideals by Athenian Oligarchs in 411 BC

80%

David E.

Eirene. Studia Graeca et Latina

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2014

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tom 50

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nr 1-2

11-38

EN

This paper explores the stratagems of the Athenian oligarchs on their way to power in 411 BC. It focuses on political propaganda – the cynical manipulation of democratic ideals, principles and procedures for the purpose of promoting oligarchy as a different form of democracy. The study challenges the widely accepted view of a moderate Theramenist faction in an attempt to demonstrate that until the oligarchs have usurped power there is no justifi cation for differentiating between extremists and moderates among them. As to the historiography of the revolution, the paper argues that, for all its weaknesses and deficiencies, on the whole Thucydides’ account is a genuine attempt to free history from the distortion of propaganda, whereas the parallel account of the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia, despite recent attempts at its rehabilitation and validation, appears by and large to have achieved precisely the opposite effect – perpetuating by means of systematic omission and commission the historical distortion generated by propaganda.

20

Rozwiązania kodeksu wyborczego wpływające na zaufanie wyborców do procedury wyborczej. Uwagi de lege ferenda

80%

Rulka M. , Wróblewski B.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2018

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nr 2(145)

49–70

EN

The purpose of this paper is to present Polish legal regulations aimed at increasing the confidence of voters in the electoral process, primarily in the area of social control of elections, proposals formulated by Ruch Kontroli Wyborów and de lege ferenda remarks of the authors of this paper in this regard. The changes proposed by the authors primarily concern the introduction or modifi cation of mechanisms involving voters in the control of electoral procedure, in particular voting and determining voting results.