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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: In this article the research objectives are the rights of children deprived of liberty and suspected of having committed crimes in international and regional agreements as well as in Swedish legislations and intended to preserve the child’s dignity. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The method applied to study their dignity is, on one hand, in the context of international and regional agreements; on the other hand, in the context of Swedish legislations, which are relevant to these children. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The argument is whether in Sweden children under the age of 15 years deprived of liberty and suspected of having committed crimes are treated in a manner consistent with promoting the child’s sense of dignity during the investigation of the crime. These children are of particular interest as they are more vulnerable than adults in the same situation; the spirit of dignity should therefore be more explicitly expressed for them. RESEARCH RESULTS: The research result confirms that dignity is fundamental for the rights of children as expressed in the studied international and regional agreements and, more specifically, in the CRC Articles 37 and 40. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Swedish legislations still need improvements to preserve the dignity of children, particularly regarding the rights of children under the age of 15 deprived of liberty and suspected of having committed crimes.
The aim of this paper is to present the refl ections of the Italian philosopher Augusto Del Noce (1910–1989) on totalitarianism and highlight some of the problems that this perspective can lead to in the analysis of the totalitarian phenomenon. Del Noce originally developed a philosophical and transpolitical interpretation of modernity, secularization and totalitarianism, pre-empting, in the early 1960s many of the arguments developed later by “revisionist” scholars: Fascism was an imperfect form of totalitarianism; Nazism was a reaction to Communism; Communism was the most perfect example of the totalitarian State. The philosophical reconstruction of Del Noce is focused on the dichotomy between theism and atheism. Modernity is identifi ed tout court with the rationalist rejection of the concept of original sin, from which atheism and totalitarianism necessarily follow, the latter being as an essential and necessary moment in the process of atheization of society. The assumption on which this interpretation is founded, however, is questionable, in that it is reductive.
Content available The Future of American Democracy
Drawing on Aristotle this paper contrasts two conceptions of liberty – one, as ‘ruling and being ruled in turn’, the other as ‘doing what one likes’. It claims thatAmericacan be said to have had two foundings. The first was that of the Puritan settlers who adopted the notion of self-government and self-restraint; the second, ‘official’ founding heavily influenced by the social contract philosophy of Locke who understood government as existing only to secure our rights and advance our individual freedom.  Unlike the first understanding it does not seek to foster conditions in which our souls are educated in self-government. The author concludes that the future of American democracy will depend on which of these two conflicting conceptions becomes the dominant understanding ofAmerica’s liberty.
Content available remote Trestní právo v hebrejské Bibli
The article examines laws on crime in the Hebrew Bible. It admits that the Hebrew Bible does not contain any systematic treatise on crime or any criminal code. However, it is possible to identify in the Biblical text wrongful acts as offences against JHWH, against superiors, against life, body and liberty and offences against others within the context of family relations. The offences not only harm the victim but also violate justice and disturb order and predictability in society. Therefore, the penalties are aimed especially at eradicating the wrongful acts from the community of Israel.
In the present text, we provide a commentary on Hobbes' political theory, written by a philosopher from Lyon Joseph Vialatoux. Vialatoux attempts to place this classic philosophical concept of political power based on materialism into new contexts. He sees an analogy between Hobbes' thinking and the totalitarian systems of the twentieth century, Nazism and Communism. What applies to the Hobbes state – Leviathan, which is just a machine and man just part of this bureaucratic-mechanical system, also applies to all totalitarian systems that have emerged in history. Vialatoux reminds us that specific politics and political power is always born in a wider philosophical and cultural context.
Content available remote Katolické výhrady vůči liberálnímu chápání svobody a sociálního řádu
This article is a contribution to the recurrent debates on the (in)compatibility between Catholic and liberal tradition. It focuses on the differences between these traditions concerning their conceptual foundations: liberty and, more extensively, social order. In the first part, the article characterizes the most important doctrinal elements of liberal and Catholic political theory. In liberal tradition, the emphasis is upon normative and ontological individualism and the primacy of individual liberty. Catholic social ontology offers a rich understanding of social order where it differentiates between partnerships and communities. This is linked to the specific conceptualization of the common good which is more robustly conceived than in its liberal counterparts. In the second part, the article delineates the different meanings of liberty in contemporary liberal political theory. It demonstrates that the Catholic tradition unambiguously prefers the positive concept of liberty. Next, it dialectically moves to the concept of autonomy. Some versions of autonomy are closer to the Catholic tradition than others, but overall, the Catholic conception is based on a richer metaphysical foundation that links liberty with participation in the common good. The article culminates with D. C. Schindler’s metaphysical criticism of the basic building blocks of liberal thought, which explains the reasons why the liberal conception of the common good cannot accommodate its Catholic counterpart.
Content available Wolność jako modus wartości
W artykule dowiedziono, że pojęcia swobody i wolności są logicznie od siebie niezależne. Główną cechą wolności jednostki jest jej niezależność od woli innych ludzi. Nie istnieje wolność w ogóle, tylko wolności szczegółowe, konkretne, które są instrumentem urzeczywistniania pożądanych przez człowieka wartości. W społeczeństwie otwartym istnieje konieczność ograniczania wolności szczegółowych jednostki oraz regulacji swobody działania. Teoria sprawiedliwości dystrybutywnej J. Rawlsa wymaga uzupełnienia systemu wolności podstawowych o wolności instrumentalne, sformułowane przez A. Sena, i zasadę ochrony słabszego. Obecnie głównym zagrożeniem społeczeństwa otwartego jest postępująca komercjalizacja sfery publicznej i kultury.
The article proves, that concepts of liberty and freedom are not logically dependent on each other. The main characteristic of an individual’s freedom is their independence on other people’s will. There is no universal freedom; there are particular freedoms which constitute an instrument for realization of values desired by an individual. In open society it’s necessary to constrain individuals’ particular freedoms and regulate the liberty of action. The system of basic liberties in J. Rawls’ theory of distributive justice should be complemented by instrumental liberties formulated by A. Sen, and by a principle of protecting the weak. The main threat to the open society is progressive commercialization of public sphere and culture.
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