Poland ranks among a handful of European countries that still undergo a massive outflow of people and very little inflow. The author examines a possibility and conditions under which Poland would change its migration status in predictable future. The hypothesis claiming that European countries follow a common pattern of transition from net emigration to net immigration, which apparently constitutes a part of Europe-specific migration cycle serves as a framework of reference. In addition, the analysis draws heavily from the experience of the 'old' and 'new' immigration countries, those belonging to North-Western and Southern parts of the continent. The author argues that at present not all basic preconditions for that transition have been met in Poland. First of all, the Polish economy is not enough attractive to bring migrant workers in any systematic way and in great numbers. Secondly, the immigration policy is too conservative and short-sighted to compensate for such deficit.
We use data from the European Social Survey (ESS) Rounds 1-7 to investigate the relationship between trust in people and attitudes towards immigrants and immigration. Our analysis is based on large longitudinal comparative survey data (ESS), where the immigrant attitudes are operationalized by two groups of items: the attitude toward immigrants and the attitude toward immigration. We constructed a structural equations model comprised of three intercorrelated latent variables. Each latent variable was supported by three items from the ESS questionnaire. The results show that the questions in the ESS questionnaire that targeted respective attitudes and values (immigrants, immigration and trust) are consistent and that each triplet measures a common underlying factor. Our analysis shows that although correlation signs and strengths are consistent among people in various countries, significant differences remain in terms of how strongly trust in people and attitudes towards immigrants and immigration are correlated. We can hypothesize that immigration is not perceived as emotionally in the countries that joined later (most of the data have been collected before the current migration crisis); therefore, the fear of immigrants may not be as intense, and the correlation with the underlying factor of feeling secure is not as high.
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The so-called riots, taking place in French suburbs in November 2005, reopened a public and academic debate on character of French immigration policy and its future. Article aims to outline a wider context of immigration issue in France by analysing both institutional and discursive aspects of construction of image of foreigner in historic relation of inter-national domination between dominant group represented by state and its republican model of integration and inferior group of the North African immigrants. Article considers some theoretical implications of the relations between a project of nation-state and institution of citizenship, which in France led to the genesis and evolution of assimilation model of integration. In such a framework, colonial discourse represent historically important example of construction of foreigner's image, which shaped later political debates on reconstitution and 'crises' of French nation-state. Moreover, history and development of French immigration policy is presented in context of some structural changes in labour market, which led to the establishment of new international division of labour and new kind of urban poverty. Concentration of the working-class poor immigrants in highly modernistic neighbourhoods and its spatial segregation is the most visible unintended consequence of French immigration policy. Special attention is paid to the reformulation of immigration issue as a security problem, which revived colonial discourse by reification of cultural differences and by ethnicization of the social relations. Instead of blaming second and third generation immigrants for their failure to integrate into major society, the unrests form in November 2005 should be understood as a specific form of political and cultural protest against their structural discrimination in work, housing and everyday life as a result of new image of the dangerous foreigners created by more restrictive measures of immigration policy.
The debate on adding stricter requirements of civic knowledge to previously existing language tests, shows how diverse the expectations towards citizenship applicants are. The paper explains why the recent introduction of citizenship tests has raised controversy. The tests are questioned in two ways. Firstly, there are doubts whether applicants for naturalization should be tested at all. The most problematic aspect of those requirements is the intention or effect of raising barriers to naturalization among long-term resident immigrants. It is debatable whether a citizenship test is an instrument of civic integration, or just on the contrary, of exclusion from the community. Secondly, the controversy focuses on the kinds and contents of the citizenship tests. The study shows that the requirements and expectations toward new citizens are varied. Although, in some cases civic tests are a serious obstacle to citizenship acquisition, the question whether they also might be a tool of integration is still open.
International migration is a major issue in many parts of the world today. In the United States, with its history of immigration, it has been a recurring theme in political discussion for over two centuries. This article addresses three issues: (1) providing data to establish the size, composition, and recent trends in immigration to the U.S. today, (2) a review of 2018 U.S. public opinion polls on immigration, and (3) an interpretation of why a subject where most Americans generally agree has caused protracted emotional and divisive debates over the past two decades.
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