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tom 61
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nr 2
93-102
EN
The research of religions in former Eastern Bloc countries is often presented in terms of a loss of contact with the Western academic tradition and ideological bias. This paper attempts to show however that the study of Islam in individual countries was not homogenous. Islamic Studies in communist Czechoslovakia (1948-1989), although to a significant degreee limited by the ruling atheist ideology as reflected in Marxist- Leninist dogmatism, did not develop in isolation from Western scholarly debates. In fact, major works published in Slovak and Czech language by three respected Islamicists Rudolf M a c ú c h, Karel P e t r á c e k and Ivan H r b e k show clearly that Czechoslovak scholarship on Islam was to a wide extent connected with Western concepts, including the issues of methodology and the Orientalist discourse.
2
100%
EN
The Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia in August 1968 brought out again the hopes of Yugoslav pro-Soviet emigrants in countries of the eastern bloc concerning the opening of the Yugoslav issue. Main proponents of the Prague Informbyro group were very critical to the development during the Prague Spring; hence they mostly welcomed the entering of the armies of the Warsaw Pact. The sudden worsening of Soviet-Yugoslav relations, the weakened international position of Yugoslavia and the internal crisis in that country did not rule out a similar solution as in Czechoslovakia. As a result, the core of activists of the Prague group together with the proponents of Informbyro in other countries of the socialist bloc directed their activities at the beginning of the 1970s towards the restoration of their political activities. The study attempts to map these activities and the opinions held by leading Yugoslav emigrants with the use of sources mainly from the archives of intelligence services.
3
Content available remote Vybrané rysy spirituality české katolické církve (1948-1989)
80%
EN
In this article the author seeks to explain some fundamental features of Roman Catholic spirituality in the Bohemian Lands after the Second World War. He demonstrates that this phenomenon was in essence both determined by the 'Roman Catholic Renaissance' of the 1930s and by new tendencies, particularly after the Communist takeover of February 1948. Among these tendencies was its enforced closed nature, fear of persecution, traditionalism, and conservatism, which were mainly the result of the limitations on being in touch with people abroad. On the whole, however, the author believes that Czech Roman Catholicism from the Communist takeover to the collapse of the regime in late 1989, despite all its problems, contributed to Czech culture, and he demonstrates this also in the reception of the Second Vatican Council in Bohemia and Moravia. The spirituality of women, both of nuns and of secular intellectuals, receives special praise in the article.
Vojenská história
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2018
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tom 22
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nr 3
142 - 161
EN
In his material study, the author deals with the history of origin of the CS military air force and the first fight of the CS aviators in the defence of borders of the newly formed state of the Czechs and Slovaks in 1918 – 1919. The author sums up the as yet unpublished information about the early days of the military air force, which were previously published in the scientific and popular works of domestic and foreign authors, also bringing new information obtained from studying the relevant archival in the Military Central Archive - Military Historical Archive Prague.
EN
The Society of Saint Adalbert (Vojtech) played a significant role in the religious and national life of the Slovak people for a long period of time. During World War II, it was at odds with the authorities, but managed to become a little more independent then in previous periods. The Democratic Party won the 1946 parliamentary election in Slovakia. This development was supposed to solidify the newly found independence of the Society of Saint Adalbert. Increases in publication rate and membership numbers were also encouraging this trend. After the Communist Party had taken power in 1948, the society fell on hard times. Its activities continued, but their scope was severely restricted and the Communist Party exercised strong control over them. People of the regime took over running the society, and prepared a new Charter in 1953. The society started to be defined as a religious institution without active membership, and the new Charter came into effect in 1954.
6
Content available remote Vavro Šrobár a jeho podíl na vzniku agrární strany na Slovensku (1918–1922)
80%
EN
Vavro Srobar entered politics as early as the turn of the 19th century hoping to contribute to an overall advancement of the Slovak nation oppressed in the Hungarian part of Austro-Hungary. He saw a solution to that situation in close contacts between Czechs and Slovaks; therefore, he supported the concept of one common 'Czechoslovak' nation. His political career culminated in the early period of existence of the Czechoslovak Republic. He was then a member of several governments of the new country. As a minister endowed with full administration powers over Slovakia he largely helped incorporate its territory into the Czechoslovak Republic. From the very beginning, however, his concepts were in conflict with those of Milan Hodza, another founder and leader of the Slovak agrarian movement. By 1921, both of them had succeeded in creating two organizations advocating the interests of Slovak peasants. In 1922, the two parties merged with the Agrarian Party, initially Czech, thus creating the nationwide Republican Party of Agrarians and Small Peasants, which was one of the main supports of the parliamentary democratic system in Czechoslovakia until the end of the First Republic.
Vojenská história
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2021
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tom 25
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nr 2
44 - 76
EN
The published study analyses the development of Czechoslovak operation plans from the perspective of the existence of the joint state of Czechs and Slovaks as a whole. The author examines the operation documents of the French military mission in Czechoslovakia, the recruitment plans of the CS armed forces in the 1930’s, preparation of uprising within the London Ministry of National Defence, the sovietised military plans following the 1948 February events and finally the operational planning in the final federation era after 1989. On the one hand, he describes the differences of these diverse periods but on the other hand looks for the connections and common denominators in the work of military planners.
EN
The paper presents a comparative study of the political and social situation in Central Europe in 1989, which exerted great influence upon Poland and Czechoslovakia, two neighbours and leaders in that part of Europe. The article describes the positions of their political elites as being very different from each other in the first half of 1989. In Poland, the party and government leadership was inclined to intensify the started reforms, while Czechoslovakia was mostly affected by a conservative public opinion. It was the social crisis triggered by the Velvet Revolution of November 1989 that changed the state of affairs and forced Czechoslovakia to join the bloc of states that entered upon the transformation process of their existing systems. The article also broaches the subject of anticommunist oppositional circles whose contacts and planes of discussion expanded as the year 1989 progressed. The final part of the article is devoted to the oppositionist Václav Havel’s accession to presidency in Czechoslovakia as well as to the drastic changes introduced into the constitution of the People‘s Republic of Poland, which helped to put the end to this political formation.
EN
The political life of Hungarian minority parties at the turn of the 1920s was marked by a generation conflict and a general crisis concerning their future political orientation. The first to accomplish a regeneration of its structures was the Provincial Christian-Socialist Party. The new political line of the Party was called for both by the politically engaged representatives of the younger generation of the Hungarian minority in Czechoslovakia and by the new government team in Budapest. Within the regeneration process in the top Party structures Count Janos Esterhazy, a new face in the political arena of the Hungarian minority who was just 31 years old, was elected to the top position in the Party.
EN
The 1930s was an extraordinarily complex period in Czechoslovakia. The economic crisis contributed to the new escalation of the nationality problem. The discontented regions also included Slovakia, where the people had reservations towards the ideology of the state “Czechoslovak nation”. A basic factor was also the conservative inclinations of the Slovak people and the associated influence of Christianity. The government endeavoured to use this in favour of Czechoslovak unity, since according to the knowledge of the time, 1933 would be the 1100th anniversary of the consecration of the first Christian church in the territory of Czechoslovakia. However, the defenders of Slovak national aspirations also attempted to use Prince Pribina’s historic act in their favour. The supporters of the two camps came into conflict on the main day of the so-called Pribina celebrations, and this influenced the later perception of the whole event. However, it was a distorted picture because the anniversary was celebrated over several months. Emphasis on the antiquity and cultural maturity of Slovakia predominated during most of the associated events.
EN
After the tragic death of Milan Rastislav Štefánik, one of the founders of Czechoslovakia, the Czechoslovak government bought his estate and uses it for museum exhibition purposes. The collection of Štefánik‘s effects and writing was much sought after by Slovak as well as Czech museums and memory institutions, but it finally found its home in the museum of Czechoslovak Legions in Prague established at the Ministry of Defence (Památník odboje). In 1939-1940, the collection was transferred to Slovakia to the Slovak National Museum in Martin. Today, many of these artefacts are now located in Štefánik‘s birth house in the village of Košariská which is a branch of the Slovak National Museum. This papers examines the tumultuous history of negotiations between the Czechoslovak government and the Štefánik family which resulted in the purchase of Štefánik‘s estate in 1923.
12
Content available remote Český realismus v exilu : o časopise Skutečnost (1948-1953)
80%
EN
In this article the author discusses 'Skutecnost' (Reality), a remarkable Czechoslovak emigre periodical published after the Communist takeover. The author was one of its founders and editors. 'Skutecnost' was started up in Geneva in late 1948 essentially as a students' monthly. The first number was published in March 1949. Owing to its high quality, openness, non-partisanship, forthrightness, critical approach, and non-conformism, however, 'Skutecnost' soon gained an extraordinary standing amongst emigre periodicals. Its programme and name reflect its affiliation with the realism of Tomas Garrigue Masaryk (1850-1937), in the sense of its perspicacity and critical assessment of reality, advocated an active, uncompromising defence of democracy against totalitarianism, supported the integration of European values, castigated emigre politicking, boldly held up an unflattering mirror to its countrymen, and detested platitudes. Its critical jibes were a thorn in the side of many an emigre; the special issue criticizing the post-war expulsion of the Czechoslovak Germans, for example, caused an uproar. Its editor-in-chief was the Slovak journalist Karol Belak, and its regular contributors included a number of distinctive emigre figures from around the world, for example the literary historians Peter Demetz (b. 1922) and Jiri Pistorius (b. 1922), the journalists Ferdinand Peroutka (1895-1978) and Pavel Tigrid (1917-2003), the writers Jan M. Kolar (1923-1978) and Jiri Karnet (b. 1920), the historians Jiri Kovtun (b. 1927) and Zdenek Dittrich (b. 1923), and the politician Jaroslav Stransky (1884-1973). It increasingly published translations of articles by non-Czechoslovak authors, including emigres from other central and east European countries. Its range of action expanded considerably, when the selection of articles from 'Skutecnost' began to be published in Czech, English, and German versions in 'Democratia militans'. In his discussion the author mentions the conflict that arose after Meda Mladkova (b. 1919), an art historian and collaborator of 'Skutecnost', took over its administrative work and moved the editorial office to London in 1951. He concludes by stating that this initiative of the young generation of emigres contributed to overcoming the sense of disappointment, apparent deadlock, and genuine lack of programme amongst the Czechoslovak emigres.
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2010
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tom 108
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nr 1
70-113
EN
This study deals with the structure and changes in Czechoslovak diplomacy at the time of the Communist coup d'etat and shortly thereafter. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia to which only a small minority of civil servants declared their allegiance prior to February 1948, succeeded in gaining control of the Ministry without any difficulties as early as the very beginning of the putsch. However, a number of Czechoslovak Ambassadors in Western countries, among others those in the USA, France, Canada and the Latin American countries stood against the new power. The attempt of the permanent delegate at the UN, Jan Papanek to persuade the UN Security Council to consider the international aspects of the putsch was the most significant contribution. Even though he was immediately denounced by the new Communist Government, he helped to raise an awareness in the West of the real circumstances of the coup d'etat.
EN
Pubs have long served as places of interpersonal communication, developed not only by by-passers, but mainly by regular houseguests. Such communication included political discussions and disputes, frequently on the position of the Czech nationality in Central Europe and its historical role in it. Disputes on this topic were strictly forbidden during World War I and would be conducted illegally; their content became gradually radicalised until it acquired a revolutionary character, directing the insurgent expressions of the debaters towards their active involvement in the attempts to achieve the leaving of Czech lands (together with Slovakia) from the Habsburg monarchy. This process culminated with the relatively spontaneous declaration of state independence at the end of October 1918, in which pubs played a special role as centres – though considerably restricted – of social life: from common pubs up to fancy club houses of the middle-class elite.
15
Content available remote JOSEF HLOUCH A KATOLICKÁ AKCE
80%
Studia theologica
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2013
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tom 15
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nr 3
184–196
EN
This survey deals with Josef Hlouch’s contribution to Catholic Action. In the first part, it provides insight into the context of the founding and development of Catholic Action from 1922 and the consequent introduction of Catholic Action in Czechoslovakia after 1927. In the second part, it relates the details of the beginnings of Catholic Action in the Archdiocese at Olomouc in the 1930s and provides insight into Josef Hlouch’s contribution to the course about Catholic Action for priests in 1936. In conclusion, the survey ranks Hlouch among those clergymen who were inclined to a more intense pastoral activity as a way of solving religious questions. He is also introduced as a theologian shaped by the ideas of the Catholic Church.
EN
The study focuses on the changes in Apostolic Nunciature in Prague in the interwar Czechoslovakia. It is not only an approximation to the personalities of Holy See envoys, who held the position of apostolic nuncio in that time - Clemente Micara (1879 – 1965), Francesco Marmaggi (1870 – 1949), Pietro Ciriaci (1885 –1966) and Saverio Ritter (1884 – 1951) - while at the same time their agenda and activities in the Czechoslovak affairs. It strives to be a comprehensive survey, which deals with the current administration office, personnel, buildings or financial issues that were part of their everyday life in the background of the Church history in the First Republic (1918 – 1938). Taking into consideration that the Czech archives do not offer a sufficient basis for this probe, the study is primarily based on the research of the Vatican Secret Archives in Rome.
17
Content available remote Hospodářský význam Terstu pro Československo po druhé světové válce
80%
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2008
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tom 94
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nr 2
221-230
EN
In the essay, the author explains economical collaboration between Trieste, which became a complicated international issue from the first post-war days, and the Czechoslovak Republic. The analysis reaches deeper, into the time when Trieste held (as early as Austria-Hungary) a significant position within the Czech society, mainly in economy. After World War I and the subsequent loss of natural grounds, the situation changed, but collaboration between the Italian Trieste and the First Republic continued. A detailed analysis, however, starts in 1945, when, after the war, Trieste became a symbol of cold war. In this distinctive Italian-Yugoslavian dispute, Czechoslovakia sided with Yugoslavia. Support arrived not only from the media, but from political diplomatic sides, too. However, the Western Allies, who administrated the newly established Free Trieste territory, decided to use the city port for their own purposes.
EN
The study deals with possibilities of gender oriented research of the post-February Czechoslovakia. Theoretical and methodological parts are documented on the example of the public sphere in the period. The text is focused on three major lines of gender oriented research (horizontal, vertical and contextual). Dominantly, study presents the area of feminity and discourses of women as well as the Czech Lands. It is a contribution to discussion rather than a definite conclusion.
19
Content available remote 1956. A WRITERS' CONGRESS WITH A DIFFERENCE
80%
EN
This article is a discussion of a lesser-known episode in the history of Czechoslovak emigres. In 1956, the year of the historically important Second Congress of the Czechoslovak Writers' Union, some of whose participants spoke out against the repressive aspects of Communist policy on the arts for the first time, a meeting of Czechoslovak emigre writers was held in Paris. It was organized by the Arts Council of Czechs Abroad, which was founded and run by the poet, literary critic, and publisher Robert Vlach (1917-1966). Called the 'Arts Council Congress', it was attended, for example, by Jan Cep (1902-1974), Frantisek Listopad (born Jiri Synek, 1921), Jaroslav Strnad (1918-2000), and Jan M. Kolar (1923-1978). The principal topics of the congress speeches and discussions were the starting point, possibilities, and position of the artist in exile (given by Pavel Zelivan, b. 1925, and Listopad), reflections on the most recent social, cultural, and political developments in Czechoslovakia (Jaroslav Jira, 1929-2005), and the possibilities and limits of communication with readers at home after the hypothetical return of emigres to their native country (a speech given by Cep). The congress sessions, the author argues, can reasonably be considered the height of work in the arts amongst the Czech emigres in the first half of the 1950s.
EN
The story of Sociakol consumer cooperative in the years 1945-1950 is described. The institutional and methodological approach to studying the history of the cooperative is combined with a biographical approach depicting the stories of a limited circle of persons in its management. Thus, this particular regional example helps us explain the interconnection between the Communist Party and consumer cooperatives. It demonstrates the gaps and limits available in the social system prior to and after the Communist coup of 1948 that made it possible for well managed fraudulent groups of people operating in border regions to carry out illegal economic activities well covered with the then political and economic trends and slogans. It also shows the reasons for prosecuting and suing these people after the February Coup, and gives details of the lawsuits against them under the political supervision by the Communist Party.
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